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Early  Journal  Content  on  JSTOR,  Free  to  Anyone  in  the  World   This  article  is  one  of  nearly  500,000  scholarly  works  digitized  and  made  freely  available  to  everyone  in   the  world  by  JSTOR.     Known  as  the  Early  Journal  Content,  this  set  of  works  include  research  articles,  news,  letters,  and  other   writings  published  in  more  than  200  of  the  oldest  leading  academic  journals.  The  works  date  from  the   mid-­‐seventeenth  to  the  early  twentieth  centuries.      We  encourage  people  to  read  and  share  the  Early  Journal  Content  openly  and  to  tell  others  that  this   resource  exists.    People  may  post  this  content  online  or  redistribute  in  any  way  for  non-­‐commercial   purposes.   Read  more  about  Early  Journal  Content  at  http://about.jstor.org/participate-­‐jstor/individuals/early-­‐ journal-­‐content.                     JSTOR  is  a  digital  library  of  academic  journals,  books,  and  primary  source  objects.  JSTOR  helps  people   discover,  use,  and  build  upon  a  wide  range  of  content  through  a  powerful  research  and  teaching   platform,  and  preserves  this  content  for  future  generations.  JSTOR  is  part  of  ITHAKA,  a  not-­‐for-­‐profit   organization  that  also  includes  Ithaka  S+R  and  Portico.  For  more  information  about  JSTOR,  please   contact  support@jstor.org.   AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO, HAITI, AND VIRGIN ISLANDS By Colonel George C. Thorpe, United States Marine Corps, Recently Chief of Staff of the Brigade of Marines in Occupation of the Dominican Republic As I have come to this conference with a paper previously prepared, without knowledge of the nature of the dispar? agements to be heard here today with reference to our govern? ment's conduct of affairs in the West Indies, I can reply specifically thereto only by way of remarks interposed here and there. In advance I will reveal my point of view (my prejudice, you may say) by confessing my complete surprise at the picture painted by an earlier speaker whose representation of conditions in Santo Domingo is so foreign to my under? standing of them that I began to wonder if I really had been in that country at all, but had only dreamed of being there, until I learned that the critical speaker has not been there himself for many years, certainly not since the beginning of the American occupation. I am quite certain that I reported at Santo Domingo City as chief of staff of the brigade of marines in occupation of the Dominican Repub? lic in February, 1917. In that capacity as well as by special detail, I visited many parts of the country?even the most remote and unfrequented?and, as in a rather wide expe? rience of travel I always find people the most promising objects of interest, it was natural that wherever I went I made friends with the natives and talked with them on intimate terms. In riding up to a mountain hut with my escort, we would dismount and exchange ceremoniously polite greetings with the family. Whatever is strange and mysterious (as is the foreigner to these ignorant country? men) is alarming or terrifying. They, in seeing armed Americans for the first time, would regard us with frightened 63 64 GEORGE C. THORPE expectancy. But a seat would be offered, followed soon by a cup of black coffee. By the time I had asked the names and ages of children gaping from every window and corner, and had told them I had little ones at home myself?"one as old as Carmita and another as big as Pedro"?the ice was broken and they saw there was nothing terrible about the foreigner who knew that children liked sweetmeats. Many of such wayside hospitalities ended in the exchange of simple presents. Incidentally, of course, I learned their grievances if they had any and could estimate their attitudes. During the last seven months of my stay of nearly two years, I was in command of the eastern district composed of two provinces and part of a third, where there was a so called insurrection which was not a real insurrection because: (1) the participants were mostly criminals (or bandits) who were interested only by the attraction of adventure and license; (2) they had no propaganda or other announcement of any grievances against the government; (3) their activi? ties were directed far more against peaceable Dominicans than against armed forces of the government; (4) their acts were typically criminal, consisting of robbery, murder of Dominicans who would not meet their demands, destruction of Dominican property, and fiendish crimes against very young girls. When the leader, Vicentico, and his followers surrendered to me in July, 1917, he told me they had had no grievance against the government or against Americans. That the vast majority of Dominicans were entirely un? sympathetic with these bandits was evidenced by the fact that the archbishop informed the military governor that the provincial parishes had set aside a day of prayer and thanks? giving over the restoration of order following the surrender of Vicentico's bands. Immediately following that event hundreds of new farms were opened by Dominicans in the rural districts of Seibo province. While conducting operations for suppression of banditry, I lived for months in the rural towns and daily had long talks with representative natives; we used to estimate every conceivable possibility and make plans for future progress ?of how we could build roads and bridges, develop indus AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 65 tries, advance agriculture, extend education, and promote cooperation. Whenever I suggested cooperative enter? prise they invariably assured me that any such mutual undertakings as were represented by incorporation were im? possible because of mutual distrust and because no one would be satisfied with his share. I believe that explains why the Dominicans are not able to sustain self-govern? ment: they have no social feeling?no cooperative instincts. I recall that when I was in that country, I was not in? sensible to the fact that some young upper class Dominicans felt the humiliation of seeing a foreign people ruling their country, and while I tacitly sympathized, I knew (and they often assured me) that they realized it was a situation for which they could thank themselves, and however much they might regret the suspension of their sovereignty they hoped our government would hold to its task until the Dominican people became fit, through education and other? wise. My intimate acquaintance extended not only to the poor country people but to the most educated classes in the cities in whose homes I was a frequent visitor. To understand why it was necessary at last for our govern? ment to occupy Santo Domingo, I must sketch briefly the cardinal material items of Dominican history, even at the risk of telling you much that you already know, and I believe the later events cited will suggest the reluctance with which our government intervened. In this view we must take the two republics of Santo Domingo and Haiti together, forming one island of 28,249 square miles (as large as Vermont and New Hampshire combined) situated between Cuba and Porto Rico. From the time of its discovery by Christopher Columbus to the Peace of Ryswick (1697), the island was under Spanish Governors. Early in the sixteenth century the energetic governor Ovando impressed the Arawaks so severely in agricultural and building enterprise^ that, unaccustomed to work, they broke under the strain, so that the Spaniards had to import Africans. The more vigorous negro, allied with European diseases, proved a too strong combination against the Indian. It is said that some two million disap THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, VOL. 11, NO. 1, 1920 66 GEORGE C. THORPE peared?died or carried off as slaves. Although the Indian, as a race, vanished from the country, present day Domin? icans honor Indian traditions, particularly the memory of Princess Anacaona whose friendliness to the Spaniards was most treacherously rewarded. It was not only against the Indians that the Spanish colonists had to fight, but during the first two hundred years of European occupation they were troubled with numerous uprisings of the blacks and were attacked from without by the French, Dutch and English. In 1585, Sir Francis Drake initiated England's strategy against Spain by his piratical thrust at the Spanish Main through Santo Domingo City, then a most important point on the strategic map of the world. He utilized disloyal natives to secure a foothold on the island. The Peace of Ryswick settled the sovereignty by giving France the western third (now Haiti), and Spain the re? mainder. Haiti prospered for a time and Santo Domingo declined under the yoke of slavery and through isolation until 1740 when the opening of its ports to foreign commerce brought about improvement. During the French Revolution the two colonies took sides and carried on a border warfare. The Treaty of Basle, 1795, ceded the whole island to France and the French administration in Haiti became su? preme. Spanish colonists quit the country in a body, going to Cuba, Porto Rico and Venezuela. It is said that 40,000 thus left their homes. By 1804 the strength of the Haitians had become so for? midable that a Haitian Republic was proclaimed over the entire island. After much figthing, the French reestablished their authority over the Haitians. In 1808, a revolution broke out in Seibo (the incubator of insurrection ever since), and with the help of the English the Spanish flag was hoisted the next year. Spanish do? minion was confirmed by the Treaty of Paris, 1814. A long period of seven years' comparative peace was followed by a revolution against the Spanish which succeeded so far as to establish an independent sovereign state called Spanish AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 67 Haiti which lasted a few weeks when the Haitians invaded and established themselves so firmly that they were able to hold on for twenty-two years until, in 1844, inhabitants of Spanish descent succeeded in a revolution that established the Dominican Republic with Gen. Pedro Santana as first president. He lasted for nearly four years when a revolu? tion resulted in elevating Gen. Manuel Jimenez to the Presidency. Another revolution the next year, displaced Jimenez by Col. Buenaventura Baez who served out his term and was succeeded by the reelection of Santana. Revolutions and wars with Haiti filled the next twelve years when the Dominican president called for Spanish aid to pacify the country. Spain effected a military occupation, but a revolution broke out two years later which lasted until 1865 when Spain withdrew. Revolutions were now a regular institution and an enor? mous debt was piled up. During President Grant's admin? istration there was strong Dominican demand for annexa? tion to the United States endorsed by Grant which, however, failed through opposition in our Congress. New governments were formed, through revolution, in 1865, 1866, 1867, 1873, 1876 (two), 1878 (two), 1879. In 1882 General Heureaux (of Haitian descent and known by the nick-name of Lili) became president and by the exercise of strong-armed government held his office for the legal two-year term. After a bitter struggle his candidate, General Billini, succeeded to the presidency, but, unable to support the demands of his supporters for preferment, resigned in a few months and was succeeded by the vice president, Gil, which brought about a revolution and re? established Heureaux in the presidency who held office, by murder, tyranny and graft, until 1899 when he was assassinated. Dominican annals are full of stories of this monster's presidential adventures, according to which it appears that as soon as Lili suspected anyone, even a blood relative, of ambition, he contrived and effected his murder. He was ingenious in diabolical methods. 68 GEORGE C. THORPE The vice-president, succeeding Lili, was soon overthrown by a revolution headed by General Horacio Vasquez who held office less than three months. By a controlled election Gen. J. I. Jimenez was made president and Vasquez vice president. Vasquez headed a revolution against his con? fr?re and displaced him in 1902. Vasquez was soon forced out and was succeeded by Gil in March, 1903. In October of the same year General Morales headed a revolution and marched on the capital. He was elected president in the following June, with Caceras as vice-president. The heavy expense of revolutions and the inefficient (not to say corrupt) collection of revenues, had entailed a con? stant increase of public debt, and by 1904 the interest was entirely in default. Foreign governments began pressure for payments due their citizens. Arrangements were made to liquidate the debts by pledging customs receipts and an American agent was placed in charge of the Puerta Plata custom house. Other foreign nations demanded similar rights. In the face of imminent danger of foreign interven? tion, the Dominican Republic applied to the United States for assistance. In 1905 an agreement with the United States went into effect whereby the Dominican customs receipts were to be collected by the United States, and provi? sion made for the payment of the debt. In spite of the fact that revolutionists could no longer count upon capturing customs houses, revolutions continued. President Morales fled and resigned. Caceras succeeded him. A bond issue of $20,000,000 was made for conversion of old debts, the principal creditors reducing their claims by about one-half. In 1907, a new fiscal treaty was confirmed by the United States Senate and Dominican Congress which provided for a general receiver of Dominican customs appointed by the President of the United States. Conditions improved; funds were set aside for the debt and for public improvements. Caceras was re?lected. In 1911 Caceras was assassinated. The election of his successor brought on a revolution which lasted for several AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 69 months and as the Dominican government could not restore order it called in the good offices of the United States which sent a commission to Santo Domingo. The various factions were brought together in the choice of the Arch? bishop Noel as president. The latter was soon in despair and fled. Then the Dominican Congress elected Bordas Valdez who served a year. Revolutions broke out again and the United States again came to the rescue by sending a commission which brought the parties together to choose a provisional president (Ramon Baez, son of late President Buenaventura Baez) and conducted a popular election which chose ex-president J. J. Jimenez. Matters seemed settled for a time, and conditions improved. But in less than a year and half the secretary of war, Desiderio Arias, executed a coup while the president was at his country home, and through command of the military forces, seized the government and imprisoned the loyal officers. At the request of President Jimenez marines landed from American ships and restored order in the capital. Jimenez resigned and the Dominican Congress elected Dr. Carvajal. The United States refused recognition of the new government unless it would give assurance of maintenance of order and honest control of finances, to which end a new treaty would be required, providing for collection of customs under American supervision, appointment of a financial adviser, and establishment of a constabulary officered by Americans. Carvajal refused consent to these terms. Matters drifted for more than a year, when in view of the hopelessness of the situation, marines were landed some miles west of the city (as Sir Francis Drake's troops had done in 1585) and marched upon the capital which was promptly evacuated by Dominican forces under Arias. Arias marched across the island and secured his position in the mountains at Santiago and thereabouts. In June, 1916, the Fourth Regiment of Marines, pro? ceeding from San Diego, Cal., landed at Monte Cristi, under command of Col. J. H. Pendleton (now Brigadier-gen? eral) who was placed in command of all forces operating on shore in the Republic. 70 GEORGE C. THORPE There were two principal routes from the coast to San? tiago: one by way of a muddy trail for about 80 miles climbing up grade flanked by heavy underbrush; the other from Puerta Plata, a much shorter and steeper route served by a dilapidated cog railway. The advance upon Santiago was made by a column from each of these ports, and after about ten days' marching and several engagements against vastly superior numbers of insurgents hidden behind con? cealed intrenchments, Colonel Pendleton's force reached the vicinity of Santiago and was met by peace commissioners. All the insurgents surrendered or dispersed and Arias sub? mitted to American control which was at once established militarily throughout the country under the administration of Rear-Admiral Caperton. Endeavors to reestablish government under Dominican administration having proved fruitless, the military govern? ment of the United States in the Dominican Republic was set up November 29, 1916, with Capt. (now rear-admiral) H. S. Knapp as military governor. His first proclamation required the disarmament of the population. Mountains of weapons of all epochs since the fifteenth century and a great deal of ammunition and explosives were surrendered or captured during the following year. And still enough was held back to support the prosecution of a formidable amount of banditry for two years more. During the present occupation there have been 116 distinct fights or skirmishes between marines and Dominican bandits, resulting in the killing of 5 marine officers and 9 enlisted men, and wounding of 7 officers and 34 enlisted men, i.e., 55 battle casualties on our side. Dominican casualties are not known but cer? tainly are many times our aggregate. That brings us historically up to the present. As to the form of governmental administration in Santo Domingo : The military governor (Real-Admiral Snowden at present) "administers" the Dominican Republic. He is assisted by cabinet ministers whose functions are practically the same as under Dominican presidency, incumbents being Ameri? cans. The entire Dominican judiciary has been left in office. AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 71 There are twelve provinces, each with a native governor who, if he is the right kind of man, may do a great deal in leading his people into peaceful pursuits and industry, and in developing public works as did, especially, Governor Elpidio Morales of Seibo in 1917. The country is further subdivided into 60 communes which are governed by communal councils composed of the best citizens, appointed by the military governor. Cities and the larger towns are governed by councils called ayuntamientos. From a personal knowledge of the happenings in Santo Domingo, I can say that the American administration of that government has been actuated by a high sense of its responsibilities and with a most earnest desire, at every step, to build soundly for the present and future good of the Dominican people. Nothing could be finer than the way our officers, from lieutenant up (with rare exceptions) have estimated particular Dominican situations and pro? vided therefor. During the World War, we had to get along with few troops in Santo Domingo, and small detachments were widely scattered. I recall that a second lieutenant with a few marines was sent up into a troubled province to do his best toward restoring order. It was a remote region and possibly never had enjoyed the blessing of good govern? ment. The better class of natives were impressed by this young man's earnestness and under his guidance all sorts of items of elementary progress were initiated: sanitation, police, road building, suppression of brigandage, enforce? ment of court decrees, collection of taxes, etc. A letter came to the capital, signed by hundreds of natives, asking that the young officer be made a permanent governor to guide them forever. In the other end of the island, a young American captain of constabulary (a sergeant of marines) had similarly interested the people in progress and when he was murdered by a bandit he was universally mourned as a Dominican martyr: everyone wore a special commemorative badge in his honor. 72 GEORGE C. THORPE Everywhere in the island the troops make friends with the people and are unpopular only with the criminal or the flippant agitator with unworthy political aims. From the first, the military government has truly esti? mated its mission to be: (1) To promote education, primary and vocational; (2) to build roads; (3) to create an effective police force; (4) to cultivate a regard for law and order; (5) to place property rights on a firmer basis, particularly as to land titles; (6) to stabilize the finances of the country; (7) and at the same time, to respect Dominican institutions and sentiments as far as may be. As to the realization of these aims: Under Dominican r?gime there was no real school administration. Primary education was mostly confined to schools with one or two teachers in most important towns; no rural schools. Not over 18,000 pupils in all schools, average attendance 40 per cent. Teachers were very poorly paid and often their salaries were corruptly withheld. The military govern? ment's reform was based upon a report of a Dominican commission. There is now a school system with the country divided into 50 school districts of 6 departments, acting under a minister of education. There were (January 1, 1920) 1468 teachers, free of political influence, whose salaries are at least four times the supposed salaries of the teachers under the Dominican r?gime. There are 195 primary schools, 7 secondary and normal, 6 completely developed industrials for girls and others under formation, 2 schools of fine arts, 2 correctional schools, central university. As against 18,000 pupils there are now more than 100,000 and the average attendance is 85 per cent. There used to be almost no school equipment and even in the cities there were no distinctive school buildings?only miserable dirty places rented. During the past two years more than $200,000 worth of school equipment has been distributed. Schools benefit by modern methods; physical, moral and vocational training. As there is more than 90 per cent illiteracy in Santo Domingo the Department of Education estimates its mission to be to extend rudimentary education until illiteracy is banished, to satisfy the basic mission of the AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 73 military government to lay the foundation of a self-sup? porting democracy. The agricultural college maintains an experimental sta? tion near the capital, and thirty instructors are placed throughout the country to give local instruction to farmers. The government sells modern agricultural machinery at cost to promote their use. A national highway over the Cordilleras, from the capital to Monte Cristi, connecting the northern and southern coasts, estimated to cost $3,000,000 is 60 per cent complete. Various other highways have been finished or are in course of construction. In the absence of common carrier rail? ways in the southern provinces, these automobile roads are of first importance to promote husbandry because with? out them there is no reasonably available transportation for marketing produce. Road building would have been advanced much more if war conditions had not impeded the importation of materials. The government owned railway from Puerta Plata has been improved and its earnings trebled. A native constabulary called Guardia National Domin? icana of a strength of about 2000 officers and men has been brought to a high state of efficiency. Since its organi? zation in February, 1918, there has been no case of a native Guardia's defection or desertion to insurgents or bandits. These troops are scattered in small detachments all over the country, and supported by American marines concen? trated at important points, maintain order, perform police duties, and serve the courts (in capacities analogous to that of sheriff or bailiff), furnish prison guards, etc. Effort to utilize native officers has not met with success. We were very anxious to avoid using American officers therefor, especially during the World War, but in nearly every case the native officer failed to hold his men together and, with? out proper control, the native soldiery was inclined to impose upon the civilians. The land ownership question is probably the most difficult one to reform as the state of land titles is one of hopeless confusion, due to the involved usages of land tenure?espe 74 GEORGE C. THORPE cially as to communal lands (tracts owned in common by several persons with no division upon descent). The mili? tary government is proceeding conservatively with this problem so as to safeguard the rights of real owners : a wise precaution especially in view of the ignorance of the masses as to means of defending their titles. The government has in project a law, about to be promulgated, providing for the division of undivided lands, with guaranteed titles. The land is not of sufficient area to satisfy the claims of all, and an honest adjudication will result in loss to many people. A political government could never hope to solve this problem because it could not withstand the pres? sure of dissatisfied claimants. Under the military govern? ment, the practice of law has been placed on a higher plane. The profession has even been thrown open to women and one Dominican woman is now prominent at the legal bar in the capital. The reform of the Dominican judiciary is in progress. Penal proceedings have been simplified and trials correspond? ingly expedited. Formerly many cases avoided trial by prescription of time before their cases could be reached on the docket. Now the criminal dockets are being cleared. The military government has accomplished a great deal in prison reform. Nothing could have been worse than the conditions of prisons and prisoners as we found them. All this is being placed on a modern basis, as to sanitation, segregation, probation, training, etc. Civil service is being gradually extended to all depart? ments of the government. As to finances: When the United States took over the administration of Dominican finances, the account of the government was overdrawn in the sum of $14,234.63, and payment of salaries and various claims were greatly in arrears. The military government paid all 1916 indebted? ness, has met all accruing expenses of government and on October 1, 1919, had nearly $4,000,000 in the treasury. The military government has reorganized the internal revenue department and without increase of rates the col? lections have almost trebled. AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 75 A claims commission created by the military govern? ment, in session now for about three years, will complete its hearings and reports about March, 1920. Then the entire floating debt of the Dominican Republic will have been refunded. The government is issuing bonds (about $5,000,000) in payment. As a r?sum? of the public debt, it may be said that as against the $20,000,000 bond issue there are assets in the sinking fund (Sept. 30, 1919) of $8,210,738.83, leaving a balance of liabilities to be liquidated, amounting to $11,789, 261.17. If the Dominicans criticize this management of their finances, as an earlier speaker claims, what can they say of their own management which failed even to pay interest. The Dominican people are grateful to the military govern? ment for shipping aid rendered during the World War. Had the United States not been in occupation of Santo Domingo, the latter's products could not have been mar? keted, with the exception of sugar which was needed by the belligerents. The military government was very active in securing shipping for the Dominican products and even carried them on naval transports, not only thus saving the people from distress, but placing millions of dollars in the pockets of their citizens by the continuance of normal trade or better. Haiti It is well known to you that the European governments that colonized Haiti, finding it rich in resources, exploited it with the fierceness characteristic of buccaneering times. Hosts of African slaves were brought there directly from the jungle, were worked unmercifully and were treated worse than beasts. These slaves remained savages and did not even learn their master's languages. Some of the strongest and most intelligent summoned spirit to escape from the plantations and mines, taking refuge in the moun? tains; they were called cacos (probably an African term). Then in the time of the French Revolution and during the teachings of the equality of man, French agitators came to Haiti and told the slaves that they were as good as their 76 GEORGE C. THORPE masters and that in France the oppressed had risen and killed off their oppressors. So the blacks rose in Haiti and gradually exterminated the whites; this movement went so far as finally to result in the murder of every inhabitant with any white blood (even the mulattoes). Napoleon sent an army of 10,000 soldiers to subdue Haiti. Its base was in the north at Cape Haitian. At the same time England sent a force into the south which took Port au Prince by storm. The yellow fever defeated both forces, but the English escaped fairly well by being supported by their fleet. The French, not so served, perished almost to a man. Visitors at Cape Haitian may now see the graves of the French general, Napoleon's kinsman. The outstanding result of the greater success of native arms against the foreigner in Haiti, over those of the native against the foreigner in Santo Domingo, is that Haiti, now known as the Black Republic, is far less civilized than Santo Domingo, known as the Mulatto Republic. While there is a high percentage of ignorance in both countries, the Do? minican is far more amenable to educating processes than is the Haitian caco. During my two years' stay in Santo Domingo, the doors and windows of my house were always open and my personal effects often unguarded but the only time I ever was robbed, the thief was a Haitian. In fact, a large part of the so-called insurgents or bandits in Santo Domingo are Haitians. I understand that Haitian government employees never were paid in cash, but in due bills. If, for instance, an em? ployee earned say 50 gourds (the Haitian monetary unit), he received a chit or due bill for that amount. A broker would give him 5 gourds for his piece of paper. The broker would then pass it on to a higher broker who would give him 10 gourds; and so on up through a series of grafters until it finally reached the head of the government depart? ment upon which the bill was drawn, he would pay possibly half its face value and pass it to the government as a voucher for full value. Without dwelling upon the innumerable revolutions that make the history of Haiti, we may come to the last which took place in July, 1915. AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 77 It seems that the presidential palace was next to the French legation and that there was an easily accessible back way between the two which Haitian presidents often availed themselves of to escape assassination. President Sam traveled this familiar route in that July of 1915, and gained the diplomatic refuge, but, quite contrary to Haitian precedent, the revolutionaries invaded theoretical French territory and murdered Mr. Sam in the presence of the French minister's family, and cut their victim's body into pieces which they carried on spear heads in a grand parade through the streets. The capital, Port au Prince, was filled with federal troops as well as by the cacos (insurgents) from north Haiti. Hundreds of people were slaughtered? especially scores of political prisoners. Admiral Caperton, then in command of the American naval forces in West Indian waters came into the harbor and was asked to land troops to protect foreigners against the rioting of this blood-thirsty mob. He complied by sending a small force of marines and sailors which accomplished the delicate operation of entering a fairly large city, with which they were entirely unfamiliar, and into the midst of frenzied masses that, though factional among themselves, were united as against the invader. The landing party occupied important points, checked destruction and bloodshed, and possibly saved the city with the loss of a few sailors killed. The whole country was in a state of chaos and bankruptcy and savagery. A considerable force of re?nforcements soon arrived under Col. (now major-general) L. W. T. Waller and set about subduing the cacos and pacifying the country. After some delay the American commanders prevailed upon the remnant of Haitian government to reorganize and select a provisional president; a treaty was concluded with the United States, providing for the latter's supervision of Haitian finances, for the organization of a constabulary, and for the prosecution of public works and sanitation as necessary features of progress. American officers took charge of Haitian finances and organized an efficient gendarmerie with an authorized strength of about 2600 officers and men which was disposed 78 GEORGE C. THORPE in various districts to cover the republic, preserving order, promoting public works, and initiating extensive sanita? tion improvements. Possibly the best achievement of this organization was the completion of an automobile road from Port au Prince to Cape Haitian on December 18, 1917. They have built some 600 miles of road. A force of marines is maintained in Haiti to support the gendarmerie. From time to time there have been disturbances on the part of the cacos, particularly during the present year. But during a period of nearly four years, from December 6, 1915, to November 1, 1919, there were only eighteen cas? ualties among American troops. There was almost no postal or telegraph service at the beginning of the occupation; now those services are general and mail deliveries are regular. The revenues are collected efficiently and honestly, pro? vision is made therefrom for liquidation of the large public debt as well as for a progressive scheme of public improve? ments. A certain sum is turned over to the Haitian gov? ernment for its other expenses. There is absolutely no graft or extravagance. The present president has held office for some three years and recently toured the country, being received enthusiasti? cally everywhere; surely an absolute guaranty that the Haitian majority approves of the present arrangement of American occupation, for it was President Dartignave who, on behalf of Haiti, participated in initiating American intervention. Under Haitian government a president would have needed an army to guard him on such a trip. As the schools are under the Haitian government, they are not, as in Santo Domingo, under the direction of an American minister; at the same time the forces of occupation have aided the Haitian government in educational direc? tions by establishing model schools and by having gendar? merie officers report as to school sessions as, without such precautions, teachers have been known to draw their sal? aries without attending school sessions for several months at a time. Progress in education in Haiti, it is safe to say, will be infinitely slower than in Santo Domingo if the pres? ent plans in both places continue. AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 79 As to sanitation, Haiti was a terrible place scarcely in? habitable where the death rate at times was appalling. Systematic sanitation has been effected by sanitary engi? neers. The work of the Americans has changed sanitary conditions so that Haiti is now most healthful and, with Santo Domingo, should be the most popular winter resort for tourists in the western hemisphere. Virgin Islands The Virgin Islands present an entirely different problem from that of the Haitian-Dominican island, for in the former there has been no resistance to American occupation. We are there by right of purchase and practically by unanimous consent expressed in a plebiscite. The vast majority of the inhabitants had been eager for the transfer of flags for a long time. In 1901 I was mounting guns on Culebra Island, and to give some of the men a holiday after hard work, manned a sailing launch and sailed over to St. Thomas?about an eighteen hours' trip with unfavorable winds. When my little 30-foot boat came into St. Thomas harbor, with the Stars and Stripes at the peak, thousands of people crowded the water front to give us welcome. As the question of sale of the islands was then acute in American-Danish diplomacy, it seems the natives thought I had brought a message announcing the transfer as an accomplished fact. My men were received very hospitably at every turn and even the Danish soldiers wanted to exchange their allegiance. It is well known that the sole value of the Virgin Islands to the United States is strategic; otherwise they are a lia? bility instead of an asset. They were not self-supporting under the Danes. Strategically they are well worth the price paid and the small cost their maintenance will involve, and possibly they may be turned to good commercial account. At present they produce yearly about a million dollars worth of sugar, and little else. The population of about 35,000, on the three principal islands of St. Thomas, St. Croix and St. John, nearly all 80 GEORGE C. THORPE blacks, maintained itself largely through the revenues inci? dental to shipping, and that principally in furnishing the labor for fueling ships, though there was a considerable trade in ships' supplies, especially when St. Thomas was a free port. The United States came into possession of the Virgin Islands during the World War, when shipping was abnormal and while our country was possibly too busy with the great efforts it was making to win the war, to be able to give intensive attention to these new possessions. Recently a congressional committee has visited the islands and gathered the fullest information, highly commended the military government, and recommended its continuance. As the islands are not self-supporting administratively and as the natives themselves fail to make both ends meet, the government not only has been without funds for public improvements, but it has been called upon to provide sub? sistence for indigents. Very little ever had been done for the natives before the American occupation: almost no educational facilities, although a compulsory education for the very young made every child able to read and write which arts they forget by maturity; little road development except in the island of St. Croix; almost no public service of sanitation and health; practically every native deceased; no sewage in the cities or elsewhere; not even a proper or sufficient water supply. With almost no funds available, the military government has utilized to the fullest its own naval organization and has given the people an efficient and free hospital and medi? cal service under naval medical officers, which has been an important service to the people. The government has been able to do little in the matter of education on account of lack of funds. I visited Char? lotte Amelia, the capital, in January, 1919, and was partic? ularly impressed by the earnestness of the officers as well as of their wives. They all were doing what they could to better the conditions of the natives, and earlier, when I was in Santo Domingo, I received the personal check of one AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 81 officer of the Virgin Islands government to be expended for a certain kind of fiber which he was providing for St. Thomas natives to start them in hat making. But good intentions without money are not sufficient. However some school buildings have been erected and a good start has been made in a school system, under the capable Superintendent Blair. An Agricultural Experi? mental Station, under the United States Department of Agriculture, has extended its activities over the three principal islands. Roads have been built in a small way and the telephone service has been extended. A great deal has been done for the poor. Summary 1. As to the Virgin Islands, it is safe to assume that our government will do whatever is necessary to afford the people an opportunity to make a living and gain an educa? tion and that the islands will be a creditable colony. The natives as a whole are proud of American citizenship. 2. In Santo Domingo, the achievements of the military government have been highly creditable. In less than four years it has accomplished more progress than had been realized in ages of European colonization and native gov? ernment, for it has in full swing a system of education that will develop good citizens. A mental attribute, hereto? fore unknown in the island, i.e. social feeling, is being surely realized. By example the Americans are showing the Do? minicans that public service is not principally self service. Critics who assume that the Dominican masses are opposed to American control are misinformed. If they have visited the country at all, they have gained their information only at sea port cafes where they have been indoctrinated by idlers or politicians or special interests that are disappointed in the military government because it is not favorable to reward without labor. If the critic will go into the country and talk with the industrious native and small property owners, or with self respecting intelligent persons any? where, he will find an overwhelming verdict in our favor. THE JOURNAL OP INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, VOL. 11, NO. 1, 1920 82 GEORGE O, THORPE Some persons appear to assume that the American occupa? tion was designed and is maintained principally in American interests?to protect American settlers. Nothing could be more erroneous, for as a matter of fact, there are very few real American settlers, aside from Porto Ricans, in the island. There are a very few Americans on some of the sugar estates and a very very few in the cities, but one never sees one in the rural districts, outside of the govern? ment service. I can't recall seeing in two years as many as a dozen American civilians resident in Santo Domingo outside of government service. American interest in Santo Domingo is an humane interest ?a desire to see peace and good order and progress and an equal opportunity available to all classes of a people. No special favors accrue to Americans from the military government. It is not surprising that the work of the American occu? pation has not yet created a perfect social order, as the thoughtless and misinformed critic would seem to demand, in less than four years' trial. Every such problem is a new one. It is not the same in Santo Domingo as in Haiti, and it is far different from that of the Philippines where American control has been the finest achievement of its kind in the history of colonization. You have sent remarkably fine governors to Santo Domingo and the Virgin Islands, wise men of culture, gentle and considerate, and as fine men to Haiti. Nothing could be finer than their devotion to their temporarily adopted country. Speaking only of those I know personally (and of whose administrations I have per? sonal knowledge) I am sure there are no finer men than Rear Admiral Oliver, the first governor of the United States Virgin Islands; Rear Admiral Knapp, the first military governor of Santo Domingo; Brigadier-Generals Pendleton and Fuller, acting governors and commanding land forces in Santo Domingo; and Colonel Russell in Haiti. The American people need have no concern in giving such men an oppor? tunity to work out their tasks without nagging them. There is, however, one criticism of military government in Santo Domingo and Haiti that I have heard advanced AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 83 by friendly natives. They ask why it is necessary to con? tinue military courts for the trial of civilians who commit offenses against the military forces or in violation of a few decrees of the military governor. The last time I heard this complaint was from a Haitian. He cited an example of the hardship in saying that a Haitian had been fined heavily ($50) for selling liquor illegally to a soldier. He said that as the offense was only a trifling misdemeanor, the fine was far too heavy. That example is one illustration of the necessity of the continuance of the military court with its present very limited jurisdiction; the great chasm of difference in stand? ards of right and wrong, as viewed by these natives and our? selves, necessitates the retention of military courts for the protection of the means of accomplishing our mission. Mur? der is a very ordinary crime in that island, and without any extenuating circumstances a native court will award a pun? ishment of one year's imprisonment therefor. From the point of view of the forces of occupation, firearms in the hands of Dominicans very generally have made sources of much of their trouble; but Dominicans, having been brought up with firearms from infancy, find it difficult to see the seriousness of a violation of the military government's or? der against firearms. The effectiveness of the prohibition would be nil without the aid of military courts. It should not be forgotten that military (or provost) courts have very limited jurisdiction; that their findings and sentences are reviewed by the highest authorities; and that they have no opportunity to be oppressive. They never deny the right of accused to be represented by coun? sel, as has been stated by a speaker here today; to the con? trary they urge such representation. If there are those who would prefer to be tried by civil courts, many people appeared at my headquarters to appeal for military juris? diction for their cases. Everywhere one finds persons who think their chances of escaping justice might be better in some other jurisdiction than that prescribed by law. Our military courts are bound by the same rules of evidence that are applied in United States courts and convictions are 84 GEORGE C. THORPE had only on due process. That military process is not unduly severe is attested by the fact that although many bandits have been convicted of numerous murders, no na? tive has paid the price of capital punishment under the mili? tary government of Haiti, Santo Domingo or Virgin Islands. As to the censorship, for which the military government is criticized, it was not imposed at the beginning of the occu? pation, as has been stated here today. It was not applied for a long time during which the freedom of the press was grossly abused by the publication of wholly false and abu? sive material intended to impede the restoration of order for the benefit of the people. Furthermore, the censorship was an incident of the World War. Santo Domingo was a haven for many Germans who, with the idea of aiding their own country, tried to embarrass the military govern? ment by aiding banditry. Obviously a censorship was nec? essary to curtail all such efforts as well as to obstruct the importation of arms and ammunition. 3. The problem in Haiti is the most discouraging of all for it is the most difficult. It will take a much longer time in the solution, for the Haitians are so much farther removed from social competence. The inhabitants being as yet un? able to appreciate mental and moral control must, obvi? ously, be governed through the exercise or show of force until education in a generation or two has established a supremacy of reason. Our guidance and protection to ma? terial development in the country and protection to the Haitian government is the only means through which the objective can be obtained. The savage cacos will be dis? orderly for sometime to come, no doubt, but they will not seriously affect the march of progress desired by the good Haitians who will lead Haitian thought. The American Marines in Haiti have accomplished more good in four years than was brought about in all previous centuries of Haitian history. Give them a chance for a few years more and see what the Haitians themselves, under American guidance, will make of themselves. If there is any criticism due our administration in the West Indies, according to my own views, it is that there is AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENTS IN SANTO DOMINGO 85 no announced policy and no definition of mission that is generally understood. Uncertainty is painful. But if the American government could announce and widely and frankly publish, its intentions in well defined terms, saying that it proposes to remain in occupation until a certain state of affairs is created and at least until a certain date stated, it would be so much better for all persons concerned, even for ourselves who could then allot our tasks in refer? ence to time. It would give the native politicians an assur? ance through which they would reconcile themselves to other employment than political intrigue, and it would give the masses who are pro-Americans a new confidence upon which they could securely rest a scheme of life and employment. Uncertainty is particularly a hardship for people of tropical temperament who naturally are procrastinators; they delay action until they may know what the de facto government is going to do. Definition of a mission, placed in the hands of American officials in the West Indies, would be helpful because it would afford a basis for indoctrinating all agencies of the government. As to the propriety of American occupation?there is the same necessity to protect a whole population of helpless people against a few exploiters and criminals that there would be for you to stop a murder if you saw it about to be committed in your neighbor's back yard, or to step between a villain and a helpless little girl about to be ravished. And it is just as pusillanimous for a government to hesitate in such a duty as it is for an individual. It would be just as gallant for the United States to leave the Dominicans and Haitians to the fate that would await them if the old order were restored, as it would be for you to standby as an indiffer? ent witness to the worst of crimes. Regardless of whether there is any political theory that will cover such a case of loss of self government by a people unfit to govern, I am sure that no generous American could visit Santo Domingo and Haiti and, learning the true conditions, wish an end to the occupation. 86 GEORGE C. THORPE I hope I may be pardoned a word as to the effect of public criticism of our government's efforts in the West Indies. There is no denying the value of criticism if based upon ac? curate knowledge of facts and conditions. However pain? ful it may be to the criticized agent it may being to him the benefits of wide scientific knowledge and sound judgments suggesting shorter routes to the end in view. But criticism not founded on accurate knowledge of the case is only harm? ful; it suggests no remedies to those in authority and only serves to encourage the government's unworthy enemies. The thoughtless critic thus allies himself with Dominican bandits and Haitian cacos or with a few misguided politi? cians who, failing to estimate the weight of the critic, see in it new encouragement to intrigue. The politico sends a copy of the American critic's speech to his friend, the bandit chief, who, on the strength of this American encouragement, kills a few more loyal natives and maybe an American ma? rine, and rapes a town or two. If anyone really has knowl? edge of any abuse of authority in Haiti or Santo Domingo, it is his duty to report the facts to our government in Wash? ington; justice would follow speedily. So also if anyone can give valuable suggestions for the improvement of our governments in the West Indies they would be most gladly received, I believe, by the government's agents either in the Navy Department at Washington or in the military governments.