USVI Public Records

Document text

I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I lo I /D-d.55 ABERG n r l-a r n k. . J hn, \\'1ch Hntl\\ 1>f mnbutm=- 1L \ "1rhin hl.nn.1lll~ll110ri 1sn-l nr 1. _ I CE I ·J United States Department of the Interior IN REPLY REFER TO: March 6, 2002 Dear Colleague: NATIONAL PARK SERVICE Southeast Regional Office Atlanta Federal Center 1924 Building 100 Alabama St., S.W. Atlanta, Georgia 30303 I We are pleased to enclose a copy of"An Updated Survey of the Annaberg Factory Complex, Virgin Islands National Park." Based on archival research in Danish archives and field work, the study contains much new information on this important resource within the National Park. The study is part of the Cultural Resource Stewardship division's ongoing efforts to survey and document cultural resources within the southeastern National Parks. Sincerely, Kirk A. Cordell, Chief, Cultural Resources SttwVardship ~ Enclosure I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I The nuns ( ch on e . Bui to fully loo b umcnl to time hen er c nt ind unp runcc f dus itc, It IS nK=n' m md explore the c mp! aprsuy ofhn!s :and~ clut r=rlt this ot hwnan henu c. F r amidst th c crurnbL.n :i uruquc md cloqucu m nument to our comm n ills cch a mulUtudc o v 1c , :and each has its o n •di.cnn 1un lcs en, on ii c d talc to ell. For me. the t crs. u U'\S on these very hoces. ought The Im) ~- Ou.NI onl . mdured. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ··--- ·-·---- ANNABERG An Updated Survey of the Annaberg Factory Complex Virgin Islands National Park, St. John, USVI With Overviews of Contributing Sites Within The Annaberg Historic District Researched, written, and compiled for the National Park Service by David W. Knight Virgin Islands Historical & Genealogical Resource Center, 20Cll Funded through a cooperative agreement between the Georgia Trust for Historic Preservation and the National Park Service This report would not have been possible without the able assistance of the following individuals: Laurette de T ousard Prime, Archival Research Associate and Primary Editor Terry & Chuck Pishko, Editors and Field Survey Assistants George F. Tyson, Danish West Indies Resource Consultant Paul E. Olsen, Chief Consultant Danish National Archives Palle Sigaard, Danish West Indies Archive Consultant Gary T. Horlacher, Danish, Norwegian, and German Translator Gabrielle La Place, French Translator Lief C. Larsen, Danish Translator and Resource Consultant Douglas V. Armstrong, Archaeological Consultant Henry B. Hoff, Danish West Indies Genealogical Consultant Per Nielsen, Danish West Indies Genealogical Consultant Karen Munk-Nielsen. Danish Archives Research Assistant Jessica Bishop & David Knight Jr., Field Survey Assistants Special thanks to Bob Blythe of the National Park Service Southeast Regional Office in Atlanta and Rafe Boulon, Ken Wild, and Lori Lee of the Virgin Islands National Park on St. John Cover photograph: Carl and Amy Francis pose with their son Earl in front of their home in "Francis' Castle" (the old Annaberg windmill tower) circa 1916 (Royal Library Photograph Collection, Copenhagen, Denmark) II I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I SURVEY METHODS AND OBJECTIVES In accordance with a National Park Service contract dated November 10, 2000, historian David W. Knight and resource specialist Laurette de T. Prime, of the Virgin Islands Historical & Genealogical Resource Center (VIH&GRC), assisted by independent contractors, volunteers, and NPS personnel, conducted a cultural resource survey of the Annaberg Historic District in the Virgin Islands National Park, St. John, United States Virgin Islands. The objective of the survey was to update all existing data on the district, as well as to locate and document any previously unidentified sites, structures, collections, reports, publications, or primary archival materials that could contribute to a greater understanding of the history of the district for interpretive and management purposes. Over the course of the survey, numerous site visits and ground reconnaissance missions were mounted in an effort to thoroughly canvas as much of the district as possible. During this phase of the project, previously identified cultural resources were inspected and verified against existing documentation. Newly located resources were documented and recommendations made for their inclusion in the district. Contemporary and historic maps, land survey documents, and aerial images were also scrutinized at this time, and a number oral interviews carried out. The archival research phase of the project began with the identification and review of many thousands of pages of primary documents, a large number of which were photocopied or microfilmed for translation and further interpretation. Among the archives utilized were the Danish National Archives (Rigsarkivet), United States National Archives II, British Public Records Office, and the von Scholten Collection. Additionally, records held in government repositories throughout the Virgin Islands, such as the Office of the Recorder of Deeds and Office of the Tax Assessor were likewise accessed. Published sources, photographs, and illustrations were gathered from a variety of sources that included both private and public collections, among them being the Danish Royal Library, British Library, Boston Public Library, Barbados Historical Society Library, St. Croix Landmarks Society Library, Enid M. Baa Library, and the National Park Service repository on St. John. ,, I Table of Contents Foreword I Historical Background I Introduction to The Annaberg Historic District Section 1: The Isaac Constantin Plantation, circa 1721 - 1779 • Section 2: Estate Annaberg, circa 1779 - 1956 • Sugar Production on Estate Annaberg, 1722 - 1867 I Historical Context Industrial Development and Sugar Production I on the Isaac Constantin Plantation, 1722 - 1736 The Transitional Period, 173 7 - 1797 I James Murphy's Expanded Annaberg Factory Complex I Nineteenth Century Modifications To The Annaberg Factory Complex How Sugar Was Made At The Annaberg Factory I An Updated Survey Of The Annaberg Factory Complex I Contributing Features Associated With The Annaberg Factory Complex I Section 3: The Annaberg School House, circa 1847 -1861 I An Updated Survey Of The Annaberg School I Section 4: Betty's Hope and the Francis Boiling House, 1723 - 1874 I Section 5: The Mary's Point Plantation, 1721 - 1774 Section 6: The Annaberg and I Leinster Bay Estate House, 1797 - 1916 Section 7: The Annaberg and I Leinster Bay Cemetery, 1808 - 1821 Section 8: The Leinster Bay Industrial Complex, circa 1797 - 1899 I Section 9: The Leinster Bay Guard House, circa 1838 -1848 I I I I ·1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Additional Sites Associated The Annaberg Historic District 1 B: The Anna berg and Leinster Bay Gift Lands 2B: The Mary's Point Watch House 3B: Estate Brown Bay 4B: Estate Munsbury A Summary Of The Annaberg Historic District Finding Balance; Slavery And Resistance At Annaberg The Case of Joe Popp The Mass Desertion of 1840 The George Francis Story Bibliography Primary Sources A Select Bibliography Of Articles, Reports, And Published Sources With References To Estate Annaberg Appendix I I I I I I I I I -I I I I T p: I I ii frum l om \holm m p, I I I I I I I I· I I I I I I I I i I I I I I I I I I Atlantic Ocean ToPurtollko 11 THE VIRGIN ISLANDS I FOREWORD Centered at approximately 18° North latitude and 65° West longitude, in the extreme northwest portion of the Caribbean island chain commonly referred to as the Leeward Islands, the Virgin Islands effectively represent the demarcation point between the Greater (to the west) and Lesser (to the east and south) Antilles. Mostly volcanic in origin, the one hundred or so islands, islets, cays, and rock outcroppings that form the Virgins are divided into three basic groups: the Spanish Virgin Islands, situated directly east of the United States Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, of which they are a part; the United States Virgin Islands, lying east of the Spanish Virgin Islands; and the British Virgin Islands, lying roughly to the north and northeast of the U. S. Virgi11 Isla11Js. The primary focus of this report is a geographical land district located within the boundaries of the Virgin Islands National Park on the island of St. John in the U. S. Virgin Islands, known as Estate Annaberg, #9 in the Maho Bay Quarter. This parcel began as a modest 150 (Danish) acre agricultural land grant, formally deeded to a French Huguenot refugee, Isaac Constantin, by the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company on April 27, 1723 (see Section 1, Page 13). Over the course of the first century of its existence, the boundaries and acreage associated with this property were shifted to such an extent that it is difficult to accurately ascertain the bounds of the early colonial land grant. It is apparent, however, that the imposing ruins of the Annaberg sugar factory complex -- now stabilized and maintained by the NPS, and currently proposed for National Historic Landmark status -- do indeed stand within the limits of the original Constantin holding; but they do not represent the first plantation complex constructed on this property. Ground surveillance conducted in association with the research for this report in May of 2001 located the remains of a site believed to be the original Constantin plantation, situated on a low promontory overlooking Water Lemon Bay somewhat east of the Annaberg factory ruins. This finding, which is clearly supported by archival documentation, leads us to conclude that the site we know of as the Annaberg sugar factory reflects a later stage of development within the bounds of what once was the Isaac Constantin property. During this subsequent developmental phase, the original residential and industrial complex on the Constantin plantation was dismantled and abandoned, and a new complex was constructed on the far western boundary of the property. This relocation, which occurred in the early part of the fourth quarter of the eighteenth century, was carried out in an effort to expand, upgrade, and centralize the administrative and industrial heart of the plantation, after the acquisition of additional lands that formerly belonged to the neighboring Betty's Hope (aka: Dewindtsberg) plantation (see Section 4, Page 90). It was at this time that the newly built facility, along with its expanded field system, was christened Annaberg (see Section 2, Page 19). Sometime in or about 1790, the lands associated with Annaberg were again expanded by the purchase of the Mary's Point plantation, which lay on a peninsula north of Betty's Hope (see Section 5, Page 94 ). With the assimilation of the grounds previously belonging to Betty's Hope and Mary's Point, Annaberg had developed into a substantial 465-acre sugar and livestock plantation, worked by some seventy enslaved laborers. But, the property was to experience one last period of transformation before it would reach the apex of its development. In 1796, the already merged Annaberg and Mmy 's Point estates, along with the portion of the former Betty's Hope plantation that adjoined the two parcels, became the property of a wealthy Irish-born merchant and slave trader, James E. Murphy. In the year prior to taking over Annaberg, Murphy also purchased the neighboring Smith Bay plantation, which he renamed Leinster Bay (See Section 8, Page 101). Immediately following these acquisitions, construction began on a state-of-the-art sugarworks and a tower windmill on the Annaberg property, and a Page2 I I I I I I I I I i I I I I I I I I I I I I I I· I I I I I I I I I I I I I ·I ···--··· -···----- grand estate house, befitting Mr. Murphy's wealth and prominence, on a ridge-top above Water Lemon Bay (see Section 6, Page 96). Soon after the turn of the nineteenth century, with the estate house on the Leinster Bay property completed, and the new sugarworks and windmill on Annaberg in full operation, James Murphy again set out to expand his land holdings. In 1803 he acquired the Munsbury (aka: Frederiksberg & Frederiksdahl) plantation that lay on Annaberg 's southern boundary, and in 1807 he purchased the Brown's Bay estate east of Leinster Bay (see boundaries on page 4). On November 17, 1808, at the age of 5 l years, James E. Murphy died on St. John and was buried on a prominent hilltop near his estate house overlooking his vast domain (see Section 7, Page 99). At the time of his death, Murphy's Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation comprised six formerly independent properties with a total land area of nearly 1,300 acres: the largest sugar producing plantation in the history of St. John. Upon Murphy's death, his land holdings were appraised separately and either sold off to service the accounts of his creditors, or apportioned out among his heirs. The Leinster Bay plantation was given over to Murphy's son, Edward C. Murphy, and Annaberg, along with Mary's Point and Betty 's Hope, became the property of his daughter, Mary Murphy Sheen. Although accounted for separately for tax and administrative purposes, Annaberg (including Betty's Hope and Mary's Point) and Leinster Bay, remained under common family ownership until 1863, and continued to be closely associated well into the twentieth century (see Common Ownership Chart: Appendix I, Chart A). After total freedom from slavery was declared in the nearby British islands in 1838, worker unrest on St. _John greatly increased (see Section 9, Page 1104). During this period, attempts were made by the Danish government to ameliorate the situations of the enslaved, and prepare them for an orderly transition into freedom (see Section 3, Page 84), but in 1848 a labor uprising on St. Croix abruptly brought an end to slavery throughout the Danish West Indies. After emancipation the already struggling plantation economy fell into serious decline. Yet, despite continued labor shortages and falling sugar prices, raw sugar, rum, and molasses continued to be produced at the Annaberg factory until 1867, when a strong, late season hurricane, followed soon after by a series of devastating earthquakes, damaged the factory buildings on the estate beyond all hope for the economic feasibility of repair. Th I t rndi 1 uaJ t b l undi\'i d t1 I t th m m A1muh r . B m· · Ji, 'P . J/un ' Poim. \\ ran i , ''h umn \Ian · Point L uunm • '> 1th .lnnah r~. B '>lf) · Hop •. m IL in t •r B y b) hi ran i h in Lb p • iLi n f v · r. Inmguingly. h \\' in th pr rm r B •tty ' rugar pl" du 1 n n h1 t th tirn f hi ti n -L . th rum ~ f rh r Lim '' h n -ugar ;\ L full n k fine! • arefull) lai ri k. and mpl ,· la - ry Ii" e\·ent. that mark thi: t a unique an m numenc t ur mm n hum nh rum multitud f a h h it " n t f \\' l Iii a: ti r n th r . it in ap fr r thrn n . fi un i nlv nL n mi ry: \\. I') ''. ndu Pag -t. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ! I I I I I I I I I ~I I I I I I I I I I I HISTORICAL BACKGROUND On March 25, 1718, the governor of the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company colony of St. Thomas, Eric Breda!, accompanied by five soldiers, twenty planters, and sixteen enslaved laborers, landed in Coral Bay to claim the island of St. John in the name of the Danish Crown. After selecting a site for the Company plantation, the governor instructed the planters to indicate the parcels of land that they intended to claim. Their mission accomplished, Bradel and his party beat a hasty retreat back to St. Thomas, where they awaited any repercussions that may have been prompted by their actions. Once it became evident that the Danish claim and occupation of St. John would not be vigorously opposed by the British, who for some time had claimed legitimate possession of the island, the planters moved quickly to establish their new holdings [Larsen, 1986; Bro-10rgensen, 1966]. Since few documents remain from the era, little is known of the early years of plantation development on St. John. From the earliest existing tax records, compiled in the year 1728, we can deduce that the first nine officially sanctioned private land holdings were taken up in the years 1718 and l 719 along St. John's northwest coast, between what are today known as estates Caneel Bay and Cinnamon Bay [LD, 1722; SJLL, 1728]. From a letter of report sent by Governor Bredal to the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company home office in Copenhagen, we learn that Peter Durloo, a Dutchman who had left Courac;:ao to take up residency on St. Thomas near the close of the seventeenth century, was the first of the ·Danish-sponsored settlers to occupy a parcel of land on St. John, "as none else dared because of the threat from other nations" [LD, 1720-22]. As cautious as the initial Danish-backed settlers of St. John may have been, it was not long before Durloo was joined by an increasing number of willing colonists. As early as July 1722, Governor Breda! compiled a list of thirty-eight individuals who had taken up properties on the island, and by 1728, when the first tax rolls were compiled, no less than ninety-one agricultural land holdings had been claimed. But, in order to put the events surrounding the occupation and settlement of St. John into proper perspective, it must be kept in mind that the hundreds of islands, cays, and rock outcroppings that today make up the Virgin Islands were sighted by Columbus's fleet and claimed for Spain in 1493. The Danish-sanctioned settlement of St. John, therefore, was an event that took place quite late in the process of European colonization in the West Indies. While groundbreaking studies are beginning to shed new light on the prehistoric inhabitants of St. John, next to nothing is known of the nearly 200-year period between the disappearance of the island's Amerindian inhabitants around 1520 [Watts, 1997] and the arrival of the first formally sanctioned Danish-led settlers in 1718: a period of time that is roughly equivalent to the total length of the Danish colonial experience on St. John (1718 - 1917). With such an apparent void in our historical consciousness it is perhaps worthwhile to step back for a moment and consider what we know of events on and around St. John prior to the Danish occupation. Early European Colonization in the \.Vest Indies History has left us written accounts of what is popularly believed to have been the first contact between the indigenous Taino people of the Virgin Islands and Europeans. On November 14, 1493, while on his second voyage to the West Indies, Christopher Columbus engaged in a brief but violent skirmish with Indians along the north coast of an island that his native guides referred to as Ayay (St. Croix). Heading in a northerly direction after the encounter, Columbus soon came upon a cluster of small but mountainous islands that he named Las Virgines (The Virgins). As with all of the many islands Columbus observed, Las Virgines and Ayay were from that day on presumed by the Spaniards to be conquests, and therefore Spanish domain [Highfield, 1995; Morison, 1939]. After Columbus's voyages the European presence throughout the West Indies grew rapidly. By 1509 (only seventeen years after Columbus' first voyage), Spain's premier colony of Hispaniola was reported to have between 8,000 to 10,000 colonial inhabitants [Watts, 1987]. The Spaniards' intentions in the New World were initially not to trade or establish plantations, but to conquer and extract available natural resources. Prominent on their list, of course, was gold. With the large, well-watered, and potentially ore-rich islands of the Greater Antilles at their disposal, the small and barren islands of the Las Virgines group were viewed as unsuitable for exploitation. It is possible, therefore, that while the Spanish had laid claim to the Virgin Islands I I I I I I I I I i I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ~I I I I I I I I I I I as early as 1493, they had relatively little impact on the area in the years immediately following Columbus's arrival. This situation, however, was soon to change. Between 1508 and 1520, as resources on the island of Hispaniola began to be depleted and the supply of locally available labor rapidly diminished, the Spaniards ventured out to occupy more territories, moving on to create settlements on Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Jamaica. At this time they also began to actively raid and extract the human and natural resources of the smaller islands, such as those of the Las Virgines group. It is believed that by 1520 nearly all of the indigenous peoples had been removed from the northern Leeward Islands with the exceptions of St. Kitts and Nevis. And, in the Windward Islands, St. Lucia, Tobago, and Barbados had all been depopulated [Watts, 1987; Newton, 1933]. Between 1519 and 1521, two earthshaking occurrences took place that were to have a profound effect on the course of Spanish colonial history in the Caribbean: Heman Cortez's expedition into Mexico redirected the focus of Hispanic colonization and expansionism to the American continents; and Magellan's navigation of the Capes opened a new ocean (the Pacific), finally making the long-sought prospect of global seaborne commerce a reality. Spain now began to dream on a grander scale, and the small and relatively unproductive islands of the West Indies diminished in importance. While the bigger islands were retained, they largely became provisioning and transshipment points for Spanish ships navigating between continental American and Spanish mainland ports, their arable grounds converted to agriculture and grazing to support colonial ventures elsewhere. While the Spanish doggedly defended their rights to the possession of all of the islands in the West Indies for the remainder of the sixteenth century, by the tum of the seventeenth century it was becoming increasingly evident that Spain could no longer afford the manpower and resources required to uphold her far-flung claims of sovereignty over the region. Thus, a window of opportunity was created, allowing other expansionist-minded nations to gain inroads into what had previously been exclusively Spanish territory. A diversity of peoples soon sought to capitalize on the void left by Spain's diminishing influence in the region. British, French, Dutch, Portuguese, expatriate Spaniards, the surviving native peoples and their mixed race descendants, the Black Carib, all now joined in the fray, struggling amongst themselves for control over a share in the opportunities for trade and agriculture in the West Indies. Among the earliest arrivals in this second wave of European colonial migration were the Dutch, who successfully occupied Aruba in 1596. The English and French soon followed suit, jointly occupying St. Christopher in the 1620s [Newton, 1933; Watts, 1987; Rogozifiski, 1992]. The First Danish Attempt to Establish a Colony in the Virgin Islands It was not until 1665, while the Dutch and English stood on the verge of open warfare for the .second time in just over a decade, that a group of Copenhagen-based merchants (mostly Dutch) put forth to the Danish Crown a plan to colonize the island of St. Thomas with a multinational citizenry under the protection of a neutral Danish flag. By May of that year the Crown granted its approval, and a small colonizing force set out from Copenhagen led by the Danish colony's newly appointed Governor, Capt. Erik Nielsen Smit. But claims of peaceful neutrality could not protect the Danish-led settlers from harassment by both British and French forces in the Caribbean. After only nineteen months, the first attempt to establish a Danish West Indian colony had ended in failure. Kjeld Jansen Slagelse, the Lutheran minister who had assumed command of the colony upon the death of Erik Smit, returned to Denmark with a handful of Danish survivors. Other colonists dispersed to various islands throughout the West Indies [Bro-forgensen, 1966; Knox, 1852; Westergaard, 1917; Dookhan, 1994]. Successful Danish Occupation and Colonization Within the Virgin Islands Upon his accession to the Danish throne in 1670, Christian V granted yet another group of wealthy Copenhagen merchants the right to form a company to engage in colonization and commerce in the West Indies. Four months later, the newly crowned King concluded negotiations with the British, securing a "treaty of alliance" that insured that any legitimate colonial objectives of Denmark would not be opposed by British forces. The stage was thus set for Denmark's second attempt to establish a mercantile colony on the small and still officially unoccupied island of St. Thomas in the Virgin Islands. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1· I I I I I I On October 20, 1671, 10rgen Iversen, the appointed governor of the proposed Danish West Indian settlement, along with a handful of Company employees, a Lutheran clergyman, and a colonizing force comprised largely of indentured servants and imprisoned laborers, set out aboard the ship Fcero for the journey to the Caribbean. Plagued by difficulties from the outset of their voyage, the colonists did not drop anchor off the southern coast of St. Thomas until the night of May 25, 1672. Over the course of the seven-month voyage, seventy-seven of the expedition's members had died and another nine had deserted. Of the one hundred and four souls that came ashore on that day, only twenty-nine were to survive the first seven months of the colony's occupation. As for Company officials, Iversen alone remained to bring order and leadership to his country's fledgling New World foothold [Bro-10rgensen, 1966; Knox, 1852). Despite considerable hardships the Danish settlers persevered, and in time the critical period of initial occupation was behind them. As word of St. Thomas's successful settlement spread, persons from throughout the region, eager to escape the deprivations of war and ethnic persecution, chose to seek new opportunity under the Danish flag of neutrality. Among the first of these emigrants to arrive was a small contingent of Dutch refugees, who, only a few weeks after the Danes' arrival, had been expelled from the neighboring island of Tortola by occupying British forces at the outbreak of the Third Dutch War (1672-1678) [Dookhan, 1994; Bro-10rgensen, 1966]. By the time the first census of the Danish West Indian colony was compiled in 1686, eighty-three plantations had been established by settlers of Dutch, French, German, Danish, English, Irish, and Creole West Indian backgrounds [STLL, 1686] .. Although during the closing years of the 1600s occasional attempts were made by St. Thomas settlers to venture forth and establish themselves on the nearby islands of St. John and Crab Island (Vieques), Danish West Indies Company authorities appear to have been little inclined to risk armed confrontation to expand their colonial holdings. It was, therefore, not until after the tum of the eighteenth century that soil and resource depletion, along with the dynamics of a growing population, forced the island's administrators to seek new and more fertile lands upon which the unfortunate planter might gain his fortune, and the successful ones extend theirs. In 1717, when the decision was made to formally extend the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company's colonial holdings in the Virgin Islands, it was the nearby island of St. John that became the stage for this endeavor [STLL, 1686, 1688, 1691-1718; Bro-J0rgensen, 1966; Larsen, 1986; Westergaard, 1917]. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I: I I ,I :11 I I I I I I I I I INTRODUCTION TO THE ANNABERG HISTORIC DISTRICT Currently, nine historically significant sites or properties associated with the Annaberg plantation have been identified within National Park Service land holdings on St. John. Four of these lie in the bounds of what is today Estate Anna berg (which includes a portion of the former Dewindtsberg plantation known as Betty's Hope); four are situated in Estate Leinster Bay; and one is located on Estate Mary's Point (which was an integrated element of the Annaberg plantation from 1790 until 1863). It is clear from the documentary record that it would be impossible to properly interpret the historic significance of any one of these sites without a deeper understanding of its relationship to the others. Together, the three neighboring estates, Annaberg, Leinster Bay, and Mary's Point, comprise what must be viewed as a broad and integral historic land district, that henceforth will be referred to in this report as the Annaberg Historic District. The first part of this report will explore the background and significance of the Annaberg plantation. It will include brief historical overviews of the (1) Isaac Constantin Plantation and (2) Estate Annaberg, followed by a closer look at industrial development and sugar production on those properties. A survey of the individual components that presently comprise the ruins of the Annaberg factory complex will be found at the end of this portion of the report. The second part of the report will address the remaining seven primary contributing sites or properties within the broader Annaberg Historic District in their proper context and relation to Annaberg. These are: (3) The Annaberg School House; (4) Betty's Hope and The Francis Boiling House; (5) The Mary's Point Plantation; (6) The Annaberg and Leinster Bay Estate House (7) The Annaberg and Leinster Bay Cemetery; (8) The Leinster Bay Industrial Complex; and, (9) The Leinster Bay Guard House. Additionally, the following four associated sites will be briefly discussed at the end of the above sections: lB) The Annaberg and Leinster Bay Gift Lands; 2B) The Mary's Point Watch House; 3B) Estate Brown Bay; and, .4B) Estate Munsbury. Above: Approximate boundaries of James Murphy's combinedAnnaberg, Betty's Hope, Mary's Point, Munsbury, Leinster Bay, and Brown's Bay property, circa 1807 Below: Primary sites within the Annaberg Historic District: 1) The Isaac Constantin Plantation Complex; 2) The Annaberg Sugar Factory Complex; 3) The Annaberg School House; 4) Betty's Hope and The Francis Boiling House; 5) The Mary's Point Plantation; 6) The Annaberg and Leinster Bay Estate House; 7) The Annaberg and Leinster Bay Cemetery; 8) The Leinster Bay Industrial Complex; and, 9) The Leinster Bay Guard House. I I I I I I I I i I I I I I I I I I I ,, I I I I ,, ~I I I I I I I I I A rudimentary sugarworks of the early eighteenth century (Detail from a print in the VIH&GRC print and photograph collection) Section 1: The Isaac Constantin Plantation, circa 1721 - 1779 Located approximately .3 km east of the Annaberg factory complex, the fragmentary remains of the Constantin dwelling house, sugarworks, and enslaved workers' village are all that remain of the first Danish colonial period settlement established within the bounds of Estate Annaberg. The site is situated along a narrow ridge above the rocky cliffs of Annaberg Point, overlooking Water Lemon Bay to the northeast, and a deep valley with a brackish pond to the southwest. First identified during the research phase of this study in May 2001, this site has not yet been surveyed or entered into the NPS List of Classified Structures database. It is believed that the Constantin plantation has lain abandoned and seldom visited for a period of over 200 years. While archeological investigation will be necessary to satisfactorily interpret and identify the extent of this site, documentary evidence, including early site descriptions and itemized property inventories, leave little doubt as to its origin and background. Among the earliest settlers of St. John were a small group of Huguenot refugees from the French islands of the Caribbean. Upon the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, the Huguenots found themselves effectively disenfranchised, denied their rights to property and inheritance on French soil, and condemned for their religious practices [Baird, 1885]. In search of a place of tolerance for their reformist precepts, many of these Huguenot refugees made their way to St. Thomas, a colony that from its very establishment had emerged as a safe haven from strife and ethnic persecution [Knight, 2000]. But being latecomers, the Huguenots had found it difficult to acquire suitable lands on which to establish profitable plantations. As a result, when the decision was reached to expand the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company's colonial land holdings to include St. John, a number of struggling Huguenot refugees were among the first individuals willing to risk the harsh conditions of this unproven land [LD, 1722]. One of their number, a barber and surgeon by the name of Isaac Constantin, accompanied by his wife and nine-year-old daughter, left his failing cotton plantation on St. Thomas in 1721 and established himself on a low promontory overlooking a sandy cove on the North Shore of St. John: a place that for years to come would be known as Constantin's Bay [SJLL, 1728; Martfeldt, 1765]. Isaac Constantin's name first appears in records relating to St. John in a letter of report sent to the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company headquarters in Copenhagen by Governor Eric Bredal, dated July 15, 1722. In this report, it is stated that "Isaac Constantin, [is] a French refugee [who] resides on St. John. He had a small piece of land here [on St. Thomas], but on measuring his neighbors he has lost much of it and can no longer live from it" [LD, 1722]. On April 27, 1723, Constantin received a formal 'Land Letter' (deed) to his new St. John property [SJLL, 1728]. The St. Thomas tax rolls for that year confirm that Constantin, along with his wife Gierterud Sara Baset, 1 and their young daughter, Sarrie, were already in residence on 1 The surname oflsaac Constantin's wife also appears in documents during this era as "Moseth." 1: I I I I I I 'I I i I I I 'I I I I :1 I 'I I I ,, I ,, I I I I I I I I I I I 'I I their St. John plantation, and that the land was being worked by nine enslaved laborers -- one of which was listed as a 'maron' (runaway) [STLL, 1723]. It is, however, not until five years later, when tax accounts for St. John began to be compiled, that we are offered our first description of the size, location, and condition of the Constantin land holding. According to the 1728 St. John tax rolls, the Constantin plantation measured 3000 (Danish) feet long by 2000 feet broad, and was described as "lying by Water Lemon Bay, length running ESE and WNW and breadth East from Jae. V. Stell in Governor Moth's plantation, North and South to the manchineel trees by the seashore." The Constantins were still living on the property by this date, and the composition of the family was unchanged, but the number of enslaved laborers on the plantation had increased to twenty-four individuals: six fully taxable men, five male and three female 'bossaller' (newly imported Africans), three 'manqueron' (old or incapable of heavy labor), and six children. It was further stated that the Constantin parcel was a sugar plantation found to be in "mediocre" condition [SJLL, 1728]. No changes in the Constantin plantation were noted in the 1729 tax accounts, but by 1730 it was reported that a "sugarworks" had been constructed on the property. The presence of a works (or processing facility) marks an important turning point in the history of this plantation. After 1730 the Constantin family left St. John to once again take up residence on St. Thomas, leaving their plantation in the hands of a hired masterknegt (overseer), one Mr. Lestej [SJLL, 1730-31]. These occurrences clearly suggest that by that date the Constantin property had reached a state of development where stable productivity had finally been achieved. Isaac Constantin died on St. Thomas in the fall of 1732. In the process of reconciling his estate, detailed inventories and appraisements of Constantin's home and plantation properties on St. Thomas and St. John were carried out. It is from the probate proceeding for his St. John plantation that we gain a rare glimpse into the composition of the Constantin property [STBP, 1732 - 1736): Year 1732, the 4 December appeared interim town bailiff on St. Jan, Johan Reimer Soetman on the plantation of deceased Isak Constantyn [sic] for an honest registration and to appraise what is found on the plantation .... ... A plantation here on St. John with a sugarworks, which length and breadth can be closer seen on the deed which has been shown to the St. Thomas probate court, appraised for: Ps. 4500.0.0 A stallion A horse A young stallion Amare A donkey A bull A cow Animals Negros A Negro man Fransisko, sugar cooker and bamba ditto Jost ditto Thonni ditto Sipio ditto Thoni, the old ditto Wille Maqueron A Negro woman Anna with a child, but the child given to Miss Sara [Constantin] A Negro boy Mingo A Negro Maron and Manqeron by name Samba, according to Madm. Constantyn' s own saying worth A ditto Jacqva also Maron and by her reported for 40.0.0 50.0.0 30.0.0 30.0.0 10.0.0 40.0.0 24.0.0 200.0.0 140.0.0 145.0.0 150.0.0 80.0.0 60.0.0 60.0.0 100.0.0 50.0.0 125.0.0 ... [STBP, 1732 - 1736] The probate proceedings for Isaac Constantin were interrupted in the fall of 1733 by the outbreak of the St. John slave rebellion. During the course of the uprising the dwelling house, boiling house, storage building, and slave village on the property were all burned, and the rum I I I ,. I I I 'I I i I I' I ·1 I I I I I 'I I 'I I I ·1 I ,I I I' I I I 'I I I I 1· I still badly damaged [STBP, 1732 - 1736]. Despite the damages wrought, by the spring of 1736, when Isaac Constantin's daughter, Sarrie, married Mads Larsen, a Danish immigrant from the town of Aalborg in Northern Jutland, thirteen enslaved laborers were once again at work on the plantation. And, by 1737, a sugarworks had been rebuilt on the site [SJLL, 1736-37; Ryberg, 1945]. Sarrie Constantin's husband, Mads Larsen, became the recorded owner of the Constantin plantation as his wife's guardian after their marriage in 1736 [SJLL, 1736]. But, with no children having been born of their union, after Sarrie's death sometime prior to the spring of 1746, the Constantin plantation came under administration by the court [Ryberg, 1945]. No tax records exist for St. John between 1740 and 1754, making it difficult to determine what transpired on the Constantin parcel over those years. When the tax records resume in 1755, it was recorded that Chancery (High Court) Counselor Jens Nielsen Kragh had become proprietor of the plantation [SJA, 1755]. As Kragh had previously been employed as Secretary for the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company, it is likely that he had been in possession of the property for some time previous to this date -- perhaps ever since it had been taken over for administration in 1746 [Larsen, 1940]. At this point there arises some question as to whether the industrial and residential complex of the Kragh plantation stood in the same location as the original Constantin settlement, or if it had been relocated during the years when the tax rolls are mute. It does seem, however, that Kragh, who did not hold free and clear title to the plantation, would have been unwilling to expend the required capital to improve and relocate the property's works during this period. Surface scatter observed throughout the Constantin complex, consisting of fragments of glass bottles and house wares, support this premise, and suggest that the site remained occupied until the third quarter of the eighteenth century. And indeed, a leap in the number of laborers on the plantation, from fifty-seven to ninety-two individuals reported in 1779, seems to mark the period when further development was undertaken on the property. In any event, at some point during the latter half of the eighteenth century, the original dwelling house and antiquated sugarworks established by Isaac Constantin were abandoned, and a new residential and industrial complex was constructed elsewhere on the grounds of the plantation. Conclusion: As the earliest known European settlement within the bounds of the Annaberg estate, the Constantin site is of profound importance to a broader understanding of the Annaberg Historic District. First identified during the research phase of this study in May 2001, the site has not yet been surveyed or entered into the National Park Service List of Classified Structures database. It is believed that the Constantin settlement has lain abandoned and seldom visited for a period of over 200 years. Recommendations: Pending the identification of additional supporting documentation, it is only through a thorough archaeological investigation that a more precise date of abandonment of the Constantin residential and industrial complex will be detennined. The information that might be gained from . such a study is critical to a full understanding of the development of the Annaberg plantation. It is therefore recommended that due to the fragility of the remains, the advanced state of deterioration evidenced in the components of the site, and the high erosion factor, caused primarily by the presence of large numbers of feral goats in the area, that an archaeological investigation of the Constantin complex be considered a high priority. Further, the location of the Constantin settlement makes it well suited for development as a publicly accessible interpretive site. A small parking area utilized by visitors to Leinster Bay beach already exists at the foot of the old cart road that leads to the ~ettlement, and the plantation ruins can be accessed on foot in approximately five minutes from that location. I I I I I I I ·1. I I I I I I I I I. . . I ·1 I ·1 :1 I I I 1· I I / J Jr;,2. Plans for a sugar factory and tower windmill proposed by Peter L. Oxholm in 1797 (Peter Lotharius Oxhlom, De Dansk Vestindiske Gers Ti/stand I Hanseende ti! Population, Culture og Finance ... [Kobenhaven, Johan Frederik Schultz, 1797]. Section 2: Estate Annaberg, circa 1779 - 1956 Situated on a coastal promontory approximately midway between Annaberg Point and the mouth of Mary's Creek, the ruins of the Annaberg sugar factory stand as an enduring historic landmark amidst the fading cultural landscape of St. John's North Shore. Although eighteenth-century maps and estate inventories indicate that an earlier sugarworks and plantation residence were once located in the same general location as the present factory structures, the ruins that stand on Annaberg today represent the industrial complex of the estate at the apex of its development just after the turn of the nineteenth century. As previously noted, it is not yet known at what point the residential and industrial heart of the former Constantin plantation was relocated to the present Annaberg factory site, but available documentary evidence strongly suggests that it occurred well after the acquisition of the property by Salomon Zeeger Janzoon in 1758 [SJA, 1755-96]. Salomon Zeeger Janzoon was born on the Dutch island of St. Eustatius in 1729, the son of Jan Zeeger -- hence the Dutch patronymic identifier 'Janzoon" (Jan's-son) -- and Anna Maria Hassell. As a young man Zeeger immigrated to St. Thomas where in 1753 he married Anna deWindt, daughter of Johannes deWindt and Maria Battri: a prestigious union that speaks volumes for the high standing of both families in the rigid and exclusionary plantocracy of the eighteenth century [Hoff & Barta, 1998]. After their marriage, the couple moved to St. John where Zeeger had acquired a small cotton plantation on the outskirts of the settlement of Cruz Bay. In 1758, the Zeegers expanded their St. John holdings with the purchase of the former Constantin sugar plantation in the island's Maho Bay Quarter [SJA, 1755-58]. Salomon Zeeger and Anna deWindt produced four daughters over the course of their union: Anna Maria, Elizabeth Mooy, Anna, and Adriana. Upon Zeeger's death in 1764, explicit instructions were left in his will that his daughters were to inherit the Maho Bay Quarter sugar plantation together, and that the property was to be cultivated to their common benefit [Knight, 1999; DVS, 1764]. Of the Zeeger daughters, only Anna appears to have died at an early age. The others all went on to wed men of wealth and prominence, who, upon marriage, became the joint owners of the former Constantin sugar plantation as their wives' guardians. It was during this era that the first major push to expand the Constantin plantation took place. The oldest of the Zeeger daughters, Anna Maria, had married Peter deWindt, owner of the Dewindtsberg plantation that lay immediately west of the Zeeger heirs' property. It was through this union that a portion of Dewindtsberg, known as Betty's Hope, was parceled out and merged with the Constantin plantation [Hoff & Barta, 1998; PR, 1805]. This first expansion of the estate was initially carried out to increase the Zeegers' planting grounds, but at a later date it also provided a land link with the adjoining Mary's Point estate, which was purchased by the husband of Adriana Zeeger, John Shatford Jones, in 1789, and thereafter merged into the broader Zeeger heirs' holdings [SJA, 1789]. The third Zeeger daughter, Elizabeth·, married Benjamin Lind, a Crown employee who held the offices of Provisions Agent, Customs Officer, and Postmaster on St. John [Overman, 1974; Knight, 1999]. I I I I I I I I I • I, I I I I I I .I I I I I I I :1 I I I I I I Together, John Shatford Jones, a savvy New York businessman and entrepreneur, Benjamin Lind, a well-connected government official, and Peter deWindt, an experienced local sugar planter of long West Indian heritage, possessed the knowledge, vision, and resources to transform the Constantin plantation into a large and productive sugar estate [Hoff & Barta, 1998; Knight, 1999]. And indeed, in 1779, under the reported proprietorship of Lind and Jones, the number of enslaved laborers on the property leaped from fifty-seven to ninety-two individuals: an increase of thirty-five workers, of whom, thirty-three were recorded as "capable" adults [SJA, 1779]. In a period when a healthy adult laborer was valued at from five to seven hundred pieces, 2 this sizable investment in manpower certainly coincided with a major initiative to boost production capabilities and increase the profitability of the property [MP, 1793]. It is likely, therefore, that it was at this time that the former Constantin site was abandoned, and a new residential and industrial complex was raised on a high promontory that was more centrally located within the estate's recently expanded acreage. This new facility was appropriately named Anna berg (Anna's-mountain) in honor of the common matriarch of the Zeeger heirs on St. John, Anna deWindt Zeeger. Detail from Peter L. Oxholm 's manuscript map of St. John, circa 1780 [Rigsarkivet, Denmark] The relocation of the estate complex at this date may solve an intriguing anomaly that has long plagued researchers investigating the background of the Annaberg plantation. Why does a manuscript map of St. John prepared by Danish engineer Peter L. Oxholm between 1779 and 2 Spanish silver eight reales, or pieces of eight, were a widely accepted standard monetary unit of this era. 1780 not depict a sugar mill at Annaberg? The answer to this question may be that the new factory complex was still under construction at the time of Oxholm's survey, and the mill simply had not yet been built3 (see detail of map on preceding page). The Zeeger heirs remained in at least partial control of the Annaberg property until 1796, when all of the shares in the estate were bought out by a wealthy St. Thomas merchant, ship owner, and slave trader, James E. Murphy. In the year prior to his purchase of the now merged Annaberg (Constantin), Betty's Hope and Mary's Point properties, Murphy had also acquired the adjoining Smith Bay plantation, which he promptly renamed Leinster Bay -- presumably for the Irish province of his ancestry [SJA, 1796-98; MR, 1796-97]. Immediately following these acquisitions, construction began on a state-of-the-art tower windmill and sugar factory on Annaberg, which was to serve as a central processing facility for Murphy's extensive sugar cane fields in the western section of his holdings [PR, 1805]. The plans for the new factory and windmill were based on drawings that had been published that very year by Peter L. Oxholm, with only minor modifications to adapt the structures to the steep terrain of the site (see pages 34-42) [Oxholm, 1797]. Concurrent with the construction of the new factory, a grand estate house for Murphy's newly united Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation also began to take shape on a formerly vacant hilltop overlooking Water Lemon Bay [SJA, 1797-1803; SJLBP, 1809]. By the tum of the nineteenth century the new Annaberg factory complex and Leinster Bay estate house were near completion, and James Murphy once again set out to expand his land holdings. In 1803, he acquired the Muns bury plantation that lay on Annaberg 's southern boundary; and, in 1807, he purchased the Brown 's Bay estate east of Leinster Bay [SJA, 1803-07]. On November 17, 1808, at the age of 51 years, James E. Murphy died on St. John and was buried on a prominent hilltop near his estate house overlooking Water Lemon Bay and the 3 It should further be noted that an updated version of Oxholm' s rendering of St. John published in 1800 indicates that an animal mill had been added to the Annaberg estate complex prior to that date. This map, however, was not current to the date of its publication, as it did not include the tower windmill that was under construction on the site as early as 1797. I I ·1 I .. I 11 I. I I I I I. ' I I I I I I I I I I ,, Annaberg factory. 4 At the time of his death, Murphy's Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation comprised six formerly independent estates (made up of at least nine early colonial land grants), with a total land area of nearly 1,300 acres (see estate boundaries on page 4, and maps on page 12). Although the Carolina estate in Coral Bay was slightly larger in overall acreage, Murphy's 530 acres of cane fields made him the single largest sugar cane producer on St. John. He also controlled the island's largest labor force, with a total of 662 enslaved individuals -- sixty-one of whom were reported to be house servants and/or craftpersons [SJLBP, 1809; SJLL, 1728-39; SJA, 1809]. After the death of James Murphy a prolonged probate hearing took place, during which I his properties were all appraised separately and apportioned out to service the claims of his many heirs and creditors. In the process of reconciling the Murphy estate, the Munsbury1 parcel was I I I :1 I I , . . I I sold, and Brown Bay reverted back to the mortgage holders, thus leaving the Murphy heirs with full title to the Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation. Subsequently, Leinster Bay was given over to Murphy's son, Edward C. Murphy, and Annaberg, along with Mary 's Point and Betty's Hope, became the property of his daughter, Mary Murphy Sheen. Although accounted for separately for tax and administrative purposes, Annaberg and Leinster Bay remained associated through common Murphy family ownership until 1863 [SJA, 1809-64]. It is from an appraisal of the Annaberg plantation compiled during James Murphy's probate proceedings that we gain our first detailed glimpse into the composition of the property at the very pinnacle of its development: Appraisements over the Estate Annaberg this day the 13th of October 1809 1 Windmill with leaded receiver, [with a] complete kitchen and oven under the gangway .... A complete cattle mill .... Ps. 15,000. 2,500. 1 New set of works with 8 coppers & with a wall molasses cistern, and all the utensils .... 30,000. 4 James Murphy's age is stated on his gravestone. Curiously, the date of death given on his monument, December 17, 1809, appears to be in error. According to his probate papers and other supporting documents Murphy's true date of death was November 17, 1808 [SJLBP, 1809; STLA, 1808]. 2 Stills of 250 gallons & one worm cistern and 2 lead receivers .... 2 Three hundred gallon Butts ... . 4 Butts of 200 gallons each ... . 1 Magass house, 60' by 24', and a mule pen with shade ... 1 Water cistern and wall spout 570 feet long and at an average 8 feet high ... . 1 New necessary unfinished ... . 1 Set of cane spouts, 1500 feet long .... 1 Truck .... 1 Stone wall 1330 feet long & about 4 feet high .... 65 Negro houses at 30 Ps [each] .... 27 Mules .... 1 Mare with a foal .... 130 Acres in cane at 300 [per acre] .... 20 Acres taken up in pasture and Negro buildings at Ps 50 .... 90 Acres at a place called Mary's Point at Ps 50 .... 20 Acres at a place called Mary's Point ... . [ 154 Slaves, all named and evaluated] ... . Total 4,000. 80. 100. 2,000. 1,600. 80. 400. 20. 380. 1,950. 2,700. 100. 39,000. 1,000. 4,500. 1,000. 65,750. Ps. 171,835 .. Of the Estate formerly called Dewindtsberg, or Betty's Hope, there was showed to us containing about 140 acres, whereof: 40 in canes at Ps 200 ... 90 in bush fit for cane land at Ps 75 ... 10 in bush fit for cane land at Ps 12 Yz ... 1 dwelling house ... 1 Kitchen and oven ... 1 Negro house ... 8,000. 6,750. 125. 2000. 150. 50. I I I I I I I I .I I I I I I I I 'I. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I .I I I I I 1 Set of Windmill timber framed, with cases, Gudgeons, Cotrells, Brasses, 30 gratings & 3 furnaces... 3.500. Total Ps. 20,575. [SJLBP, 1809] After Mary Murphy Sheen and her husband Thomas died without issue, title to Annaberg reverted to the widow of Edward C. Murphy, Catharina Sheen Murphy in 18275 [SJA, 1827; SJLPD, 1827]. By the time of her inheritance of Annaberg, Catharina was married for a second time to Hans H. Berg, an individual of prominence, who was to rise to the position of Governor and Commandant of St. Thomas and St. John in 1853. As guardian for his wife and stepson (James Murphy's grandson, Edward Falkner Murphy), Berg retained title to Annaberg and Leinster Bay until his death in 1862 [Larsen, 1940; STBPP, 1834; STBEP, 1862]. Throughout most of this period Annaberg remained a profitable sugar estate, with production levels exceeding 100,000 pounds of raw sugar per year as late as 1845. But growing soil 'depletion, a sagging colonial economy, and labor shortages after emancipation was achieved in 1848 all served to drive down production. In 1861, the year prior to Berg's death, Annaberg's sugar crop yielded less than five thousand pounds of raw sugar [SJRD, 1845-61]. After Governor Berg died, Annaberg, Leinster Bay, and Mary 's Point were put up for auction individually. The Mary's Point property was purchased by Berg's former overseer George Francis, while Annaberg and Leinster Bay were purchased by a young Creole planter of mixed European and African descent, Abraham C. Hill. Hill, however, did not survive to take possession of the properties. Less than a year after his purchase of the estates, Annaberg and Leinster Bay were once again put up for auction, and on this occasion sold to Thomas Letsom Loyd of Tortola [STBEP, 1862; SJCP, 1863]. For a time, Thomas Loyd struggled to maintain sugar production on both Annaberg and Leinster Bay, but the catastrophic hurricane and earthquakes of 1867 were soon to end all hope for any further sugar production on those estates [SJRD, 1867-73]. With his factories in ruin, and his diminished cane fields rapidly reverting to bush, on April 13, 1871, Thomas Loyd sold the Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantations to George Francis for the sum of $100, then quickly 5 Thomas Sheen, who married James Murphy's daughter Mary, and Catharina Sheen, who married James Murphy's son Edward, were presumably brother and sister. returned to Tortola to escape reprisals for the abandonment of his estates and their laborers [STM, 1871; Low, 2001]. George Francis held title to the reunified Mary's Point, Annaberg and Leinster Bay properties until he died in 1875 [STM, 1871-76]. But, after George's death, his widow, Lucy Blyden Francis, found it difficult to keep up with the finances of the estates, and in 1876 they were handed over by adjudication to St. Thomas merchant Antoine Anduze [SJCP, 1875; SJA, 1876]. Anduze retained an overseer on his St. John properties, and converted the former crop lands to pasture. During this period, the deep valley behind Water Lemon Bay became the primary grazing area for Anduze cattle, and the lands associated with Annaberg appear to have been little utilized [STA, 1875-1899; SJCP, 1875-1899] . Annaberg and Leinster Bay remained in the hands of Antoine Anduze and his heirs until 1899. In that year, George Francis' son, Carl Emanuel Francis, along with his brother-in-law, Police Officer Henry Clen, were able to regain title to all of the Annaberg, Leinster Bay, and Mary 's Point properties from the probate court. Clen and his wife, Sophie Roseline Francis, took up residence in the former Leinster Bay estate house, while Carl Francis set up his household amidst the ruins of the Annaberg sugar factory, a place he christened Francis' Castle [STM, 1899, SJA, 1899]. Carl Francis remained a prominent and respected figure on St. John up until his death in October of 1936. In addition to serving as the St. John representative to the Colonial Council (the local governing body prior to the establishment of the Virgin Islands Legislature), he also acted as clerk and lay reader to the Nazareth Lutheran Congregation on St. John and was one of the individuals who raised the first United States Flag over St. John in the transfer ceremonies held at the Cruz Bay Battery on April 15, 1917 [Moolenaar, 1992; Low & Valls, 1985]. Carl Francis sold the Annaberg estate to Herman 0. Creque in 1935, and it was from the Creque heirs that the Jackson Hole Preserve purchased the property in 1954. Annaberg was officially turned over to the National Park Service in 1956 [Near, 2000]. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I' 1· I I I I I I :1 I I .I I ,,. I I I I .I rl I II I . I I SUGAR PRODUCTION ON ESTATE ANNABERG, 1722 -1867 Historical Context Before proceeding with a discussion of sugar production on the Annaberg plantation, it is necessary to briefly explore the origins of sugar cane cultivation and the production process. A native to southern Asia, sugar cane has been nourishing man since prehistoric times. It is not known for certain what culture developed the technique of converting sugar cane juice into crystalline sugar, but as the earliest known written reference to the process appears in Sanskrit in about 500 B.C., historians have long credited northern India as the place where sugar cane juice was first rendered into a refined end-product. As with other tropical crops of Asian origin, such as bananas and mangos, sugar cane cultivation is believed to have slowly fanned outward from India into China and the Middle East over the course of many centuries. By A.D. 600 it had become well established in Persia, and within a century sugar cane had reached the shores of the eastern Mediterranean and North Africa where the first great economic sugar-boom occurred. Although Europe had long been aware of sugar as a v-alued commodity of the eastern trade, it was not until the Crusades of the eleventh and twelfth centuries that western Europeans first encountered sugar cane under cultivation on the Mediterranean islands of Cyprus and Sicily. Attempts were soon made to introduce the crop further northward, but it was found that the properties of sugar cane were adversely affected by even the slightest frost. It therefore became apparent that the Mediterranean demarcated the far northern limit of sustainable sugar cane cultivation. For the next 400 years or so, the Mediterranean region continued to hold a near monopoly on the European sugar trade. But, as the age of Atlantic exploration dawned, sugar cane was among the first crops to be introduced into Europe's newly acquired tropical colonies -- first into the eastern Atlantic islands, and later into the West Indies and the Central and South American mainland. By 1450, sugar produced on Madeira had already begun to reach Europe, and by 1490 sugar from Sao Tome (a Portuguese island possession in the gulf of Guinea) had begun to enter northern markets as well. While the introduction of sugar cane into the eastern Atlantic islands surely had a negative impact on the long-established Mediterranean sugar trade, no single event would serve to more severely erode the Mediterranean's dominance of the industry than the proliferation of sugar cane throughout the New World . Having quickly perceived the possibilities for sugar cane cultivation in the West Indies, Columbus brought sugar cane to the island of Hispaniola on his second voyage in 1493. In the early sixteenth century, subsequent Spanish expeditions carried the crop to Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Jamaica, then on to the American continent near Vera Cruz, Mexico, where it was reportedly under cultivation as early as 1525. But nowhere in the New World was sugar cane found to thrive better than in the humid environs of coastal Brazil. After King Eanuel I of Portugal issued a royal order to introduce sugar cane cultivation into that region in 1516, the Pemambuco area quickly became the veritable epicenter of sugar production in the Americas. The long-depleted soils and drier conditions of the Mediterranean were no match for Brazil's optimum climate for sugar cane cultivation, or for its abundance of fertile, well-watered, arable lands, and the ready availability of enslaved laborers. The era of the Mediterranean's nearly one thousand-year dominance of the sugar industry rapidly drew to a close. By the end of the sixteenth century, the focus of sugar cane cultivation and sugar production had shifted across the Atlantic Ocean to the Americas; sugar cane had become nearly exclusively a New World crop. While Spain and Portugal were the first countries to introduce sugar cane into the Americas, it · was the Dutch who were largely responsible for its proliferation throughout the Lesser Antilles. Having learned the skills of sugar production during their takeover and occupation of Pemambuco between 1629 and 1654, savvy Dutch mercantilists set out to introduce the crop into the Eastern Caribbean, most notably on Barbados. By 1680, sugar was being produced on nearly all of the British- and French-held islands of the Caribbean, and sugar cane had become the dominant crop of the region [Ligon, 1673; Galloway, 1981; Watts, 1987]. It was during this period of rapid expansion of the West Indian sugar industry that Denmark first set out to establish a New World colony. Backed heavily by Dutch capital, in 1672 the Danish West Indies Company was finally successful in establishing a tenuous foothold on the island of St. Thomas. Soon after the arrival of the first Danish settlers, the colonists were joined by a small band of displaced Dutch planters and their families, who had been expelled by the British from the neighboring island of Tortola upon the outbreak of the Third Dutch War. With them, the Dutch refugees had not only brought sugar cane slips from the plantations that they had been forced to abandon on Tortola, but also the skills of sugar cane cultivation and a firsthand I I I I 1· I I I' I I. I I I. I I I I I I I I :1 .I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I knowledge of the process for converting sugar cane juice into its valuable refined end-products: sugar, molasses, and rum [Knox, 1852; Westergaard, 1917; J.O. Bro-J0rgensen, 1966]. Despite the introduction of sugar cane into St. Thomas at the very outset of the colonizing effort, a lack of suitable land and the island's limited fresh water resources retarded the growth of the sugar industry in the Danish colony. As late as 1715, only about one-third of St. Thomas's plantations were planted in sugar cane, and no more than thirty-two properties were reported to have sugar processing facilities [SILL, 1715]. It was largely in the hopes of expanding the Danish West Indies Company's share in the increasingly profitable sugar trade that the decision was finally reached to extend Denmark's colonial holdings to the neighboring island of St. John. In 1 718, when Governor Bradel first laid out a set of guidelines for the occupation of that island, one of the six requirements was that a sugarworks was to be erected on each plantation within five years on penalty of the confiscation of the property [BD, 1718]. While it was later realized that not all of the land holdings on St. John were suitable for sugar cane cultivation and the order was never enforced, any planter with the necessary capital and appropriate location was clearly encouraged to do so. Among the newly established properties on St. John deemed to be suitable for sugar cane cultivation was an approximately 138-acre parcel deeded by the Danish West Indies Company to Isaac Constantin in April of 1723 [SJLL, 1728]. Industrial Development and Sugar Production on the Isaac Constantin Plantation, 1722 - 1736 To establish his plantation, Isaac Constantin's first task would have' been the arduous process of clearing away a section of the dense subtropical forest that still covered much of his St. John property. After the larger trees and woody bush were cut off, the land was further cleared by burning, after which the backbreaking jobs of stumping, terracing, and tilling the soil with hoes could begin. As early as July 15, 1722, Constantin and his family were reported to be living on the plantation, and while the construction of a dwelling house, living quarters for the nine enslaved laborers, and the establishment of provision crops were the primary activities on the parcel in the early months of establishment, it can be assumed that at least a portion of the property's grounds were in the process of being converted for sugar cane cultivation soon after that date. As the job of preparing the land and establishing cultivation continued, construction of the necessary plantation structures and the installation of sugar processing equipment commenced. A secure timber-framed warehouse, pens for the property's beasts-of-burden, and a boiling wall with four built-in copper kettles were erected, as well as a furnace upon which a copper pot-still for the distillation of rum was mounted. Concurrently, a circular, level earthen platform was excavated, in the middle of which an animal-driven crushing machine for the extraction of sugar cane juice was installed [BD, 1722; STLL, 1723-27; SJLL, 1728]. By 1729 construction appears to have been complete, and the Constantin plantation was recorded in the St. John tax accounts as a sugar plantation with a "sugarworks." The noted presence of a works on the Constantin property was followed one year later by a decrease in the number of enslaved laborers from twenty-three to eleven individuals (nine men and two children), five of whom were newly imported Africans. This drop in the number of workers may well mark the date at which initial development of the plantation had ceased, and stable productivity with a gradual expansion of cultivation had been achieved [SJLL, 1728-29]. Such was the extent of the Consiantin plantation when the first concise appraisal of the property was carried out in December of 1732. Listed in the appraisement inventory were a dwelling house, sugar mill, boiling house, still, magazine (warehouse), and Negro houses (see complete inventory Appendix II, Table 8). Contemporary illustrations and descriptions of plantations of this era verify that the general composition of the Constantin property followed the typical footprint of most rudimentary sugar operations of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries (see illustrations on the following page, and in Section 1, page 13) [STBP, 1732-36]. While litt"le information can be gleaned from available documentation regarding the extent of sugar cane cultivation or the amount of sugar produced on the Constantin plantation throughout this period, the property's limited labor force points toward a rather low level of production. Using the general rule-of-thumb of this era of one capable enslaved laborer per acre of sugar cane, as little as nine acres, or 6.5% of the plantation's grounds, were under cultivation at this time [Watts, 1987]. The fact that so much of the Constantin property remained in bush may explain the absence of a magass shed in the 1732 plantation inventory. Magass, or the dried crushed cane stalks left over from the milling process (also known as 'trash'), did not come into general use for sugar boiling until such time as the fuel-wood resources of a property became I I I I I 'I. I I I I I I I, 1· I I I ·1 I. I I I I I I I I I\ I I'. I I :1 I I I I· depleted: an event that may not have taken place on the Constantin plantation until well into the eighteenth century [Watts, 1987]. Depiction of a seventeenth or early eighteenth century sugar plantation with a nearly identical layout to that of the Isaac Constantin property: 1) dwelling house 2) sugar mill 3) boiling house 4) rum still 5) slave dwelling 6) storage building 7) cane fields Also notably absent from the Constantin inventory is a cooper (barrel maker) amongst the plantation's enslaved labor force. This suggests that ceramic sugar pots, or jars, were being utilized rather than barrels for the storage and transport of sugar, molasses, and rum during this early period. If this was indeed the case, then the process known as 'coning' was likely being utilized to extract the molasses from the raw sugar. In the coning process, the freshly cooked sugar was cooled, then packed into open-ended cones that were placed point down in pots to drain (see illustration on following page). Coning was an effective and simple process for drawing off molasses that was well suited to the low yield sugar operations of this early period. Once the molasses was drained off, the sugar was removed from the cone and packed separately for shipping1 [Ligon, 1673]. 1 For a full description of the sugar production process in this period see: Richard Ligon, A True & Exact History Of the Island of Barbadoes, pp. 84 - 92 (London, Frank Cass Publishers, 1970 [First printed London, 1657]). i' ' Absent as well from the 1732 plantation inventory is any type of cistern -- the only water container mentioned being a "water pot" listed with the contents of the household. It is evident, therefore, that the abundant water necessary for the cleaning of the sugarworks, watering of livestock, consumption by the occupants, and fermentation for the production of rum, was being supplied by a nearby fresh water source. With the hillsides of the property still well forested, it is quite likely that the numerous watercourses that ran down the mountain to the south of the Constantin site contained springs and pools that yielded sufficient potable water to meet the needs of the plantation in this time period. Additionally, a brackish pond, located on the shoreline at the base of the hill west of the site, might have held water suitable for the sluicing of the cane-grinding machinery and boiling pots, as well as the watering of livestock. As noted in Section 1 (page 16), sugar production on the Constantin plantation was interrupted in the fall of 1733 by the St. John slave revolt, during which the property's dwelling house, storage building, and laborers' houses were all burned, and the still and boiling house badly damaged. Available records give no indication as to whether the sugar cane fields on the property were also burned, but it is likely that at least some crop damage did occur. In any event, as early as June of 1734 the Constantin plantation was once again occupied by twelve enslaved laborers, so it would appear that the tending of the crops on the property had already recommenced by that date. Also noted on the plantation were two individuals, Francis and Cezar, who were noted respectively as a "sugar cooker" and a "carpenter," suggesting that the tasks of repairing the buildings and sugar production equipment were also well under way. It was not until 1736, however, that the St. John tax rolls once again began to note the Constantin property as a fully functioning plantation with a sugarworks, eight enslaved laborers, and a planter family in residence [STBP, 1732-36; SJLL, 1736]. I I I I I I I 1: I I I I I 1· 1: I I I ·I I I I I I I I I I ,., I I I I I. I I .I I I The Transitional Period, 1737 - 1797 Judging solely from the St. John tax rolls, between 1736 and 1778 the Constantin plantation continued to operate under a succession of owners, with the only notable change in the records being a gradual increase in the number of enslaved workers on the property from eight to fifty-seven individuals. This steady rise in the plantation's labor force most likely corresponds with an increase in the amount of cane lcind being brought under cultivation over this period. As the acreage planted in sugar cane rose, sugar production levels increased. Eventually the small and somewhat archaic Constantin sugarworks could no longer efficiently service the demands of the plantation, and a higher capacity factory was erected elsewhere on the property. While the date of this relocation and upgrading of the sugarworks within the bounds of the former Constantin plantation has not been conclusively determined, a sudden increase, followed by a gradual decline, in the number of enslaved laborers on the property, which occurred between 1779 and 1784, certainly suggests that a flurry of heightened activity took place during thanime period. These dates also correspond with the acquisition of approximately 140 acres of additional crop lands by the owners of the property: a situation that certainly would have necessitated an upgrading of the plantation's production capabilities if it had not already occurred by that date. It is possible, however, that the primary dwelling on the Constantin site continued to be utilized as an owner's or manager's residence after the processing facility on the site ceased oper~tion, and it may have been one of the two houses listed in a later appraisal of the property [SJLL, 1728-39; SJA, 1755-84]. It is not until 1793 that a concise inventory of the elements that made up what had become known as the Annaberg plantation can be found in the archival records. From this document it becomes boldly evident that the large and well-developed industrial complex on Annaberg held little in common with the rudimentary sugarworks constructed by Isaac Constantin in the first quarter of the century. It was recorded in the inventory that the plantation was now comprised of 400 acres of land, of which 120 acres were under sugar cane cultivation, and among the estate structures were: two wooden dwelling houses, a brick-built kitchen with storeroom, a brick-built storehouse with a dungeon, another storehouse with a cistern, an animal mill with a raised rotunda, a boiling house with four copper kettles, a curing house with two molasses tanks, a magass house, a still house with a rum cellar, a horse stable, a mule pen, and a 1,300-foot wooden shoot for conveying sugar cane down the mountain to the factory [MR, 1793]. It remains to be determined which, if any, of the structures noted in the 1 793 inventory are still distinguishable on the Annaberg factory site today, but it is only logical that at least elements of these earlier plantation buildings were integrated into the expanded facility during the major reconstruction and upgrading of the complex that took place around the tum of the nineteenth century (for complete inventory see Appendix II, Chart 9). James Murphy's Expanded Annaberg Factory Complex Toward the close of the eighteenth century, the North American struggle for independence, combined with the rising populist fervor of the French Revolution, engulfed the entire western world in turmoil. Upon the French National Convention's declarations of war against the British and Dutch in February 1793, and Spain in March of the same year, commerce in the neutral ports of the Danish West Indies began to flourish; St Thomas soon emerged as a regional hub for the hyperactive commerce of conflict. With France's wealthiest sugar producing colony of Saint Domingue crippled by conflict, and her slave-owning planters of the Lesser Antilles in league with the British against the radical Jacobeans of the motherland, France was effectively stripped of her dominance over the West Indian sugar trade [Stein, 1988; Rogozinski, 1992]. As war and revolt wore on, the supply of West Indies goods became increasingly constricted and sugar prices soared. In the animated entrepot of Charlotte Amalie, locally produced muscovado sugar rose in value from seven to nine dollars per hundredweight in 1795, to fifteen dollars by the close of the year l 797, while rum reached the startling figure of one dollar per gallon [Nissen, 1838]. With sugar prices at an all-time high, wealthy capitalists in London and Liverpool were quick to take advantage of the void left in the sugar market by the declining fortunes of the French. Through their local attorneys (known in England as factors), they began to extend liberal lines of credit on sugar futures for the purchase, expansion, and modernization of sugar plantations throughout the Danish West Indies. Many planters borrowed heavily against their estates and future production during this period, and while some were able to service their debts I I I I I I I I.' ,, I 1: ·I I I I , I I I -I I I I I I 'I I I i 11 I I I ,, I I ,I I and reap considerable fortunes from their properties, others were less fortunate: their bankrupt estates falling into the hands of British creditors [STLA, 1808-1 O; SCR, 1807-26; Pares, 1950]. In 1795, at the very height of this turbulent period of high valuations and wild speculation, a wealthy St. Thomas-based merchant and ship owner, James E. Murphy, purchased the floundering Smith Bay (aka: Leinster Bay) plantation on St. John, and soon after began to methodically acquire shares in the neighboring Annaberg estate, with its associated properties of Betty's Hope and Mary 's Point. By 1796, Murphy had attained his goal of sole proprietorship, and under the supervision of his trusted plantation manager, Owen Sheridan, set out to transform his new holdings into what was to become the largest sugar-producing plantation in the history of St. John [MR, 1795-97; PR, 1805; SJA; 1795-1809]. The plantation that James Murphy sought to develop was far from characteristic for the island of St. John in this, or any period, resembling more in size and scope of operations the sprawling sugar estates of St. Croix or Barbados. Clearly Murphy did not envision his properties as a group of individual plantations, but as a single, broad and integral land holding on which specific areas of endeavor were developed to maximize efficiency and take advantage of the specific resources present in that section of his estate. On a breezy hilltop with panoramic vistas overlooking the extent of his property and its approaches by land and sea, Murphy constructed a stately and well-fortified mansion house. And, along the shore of the estate's sheltered deep water anchorage on Water Lemon Bay, a center for support activities was established, consisting of warehouses, boat sheds, a lime kiln, blacksmith and carpentry shops, and. a complete sugarworks to process the cane grown on the eastern section of the plantation. But, if there was a crowning jewel in Murphy's plan, one project that was to be the most costly and ambitious of all his undertakings, it was the construction of a new and modern sugar factory on the former site of the Annaberg sugarworks: a complex that would serve as the central processing facility for the nearly two hundred acres of sugar cane that stretched across the landscape on the western section of the estate [PR, 1805; SJLBP, 1809]. The sugar factory complex that Murphy constructed on Annaberg was based on a proposed plan by Peter L. Oxholm, published in 1797 -- only a year after Murphy's purchase of the Annaberg estate [SJLBP, 1809]. While Oxholm's tower windmill design appears atypical, his proposed 'T' shaped factory building, with its double battery of kettles and two stills, was truly Peter I ,othariu" Oxholm innovative. In an effort to bring the capability of the boiling house up to a level of productivity that would match, or exceed, the windmill's capacity to provide cane juice to the factory's receivers, the Oxholm plan brought under one roof the processes of boiling cane juice down into syrup, the cooling of the syrup into crystalline raw sugar, the extraction and collection of molasses from that sugar, and the distillation of rum from a mixture of molasses and fermented residue of the sugar boiling process. The plan effectively increased output by maximizing the efficiency of a series of related, successive procedures by way of ordered proximity -- a concept that would come to be embraced in most areas of manufacture during the industrial revolution, and might well be seen as the forerunner to the assembly line made famous by Henry Ford a century later [Oxholm, 1797; Linvald, 1967]. It should be noted, however, that Oxholm's design was better suited to the flat or moderately hilly topography of St. Croix, and the Annaberg sugar factory required numerous adaptations of the plan to conform to the mountainous terrain of St. John. It is here that the ingenuity of the individual, or individuals, who were responsible for those modifications shines through, as it is the efficient use of the topography that stands out as the most unique and distinguishable feature of the Annaberg sugarworks. To efficiently process the amount of sugar cane grown on the expanded Annaberg estate, James Murphy constructed a new and complete factory complex on the site where the previous sugarworks described in the 1793 property inventory had stood. The new Annaberg works utilized two mills for the extraction of juice from the cane stalks: an animal mill and a windmill. Before construction of the windmill could proceed, it was necessary to create enough level ground on which to erect the tower. To accomplish this, a massive retaining wall was built and back-filled down-slope to the north and east of the site, while the western side of the flat was retained by the far walls of the property's animal mill. Although the base of the windmill was smaller in circumference than that of the rotunda for the animal mill, a somewhat larger level area was needed for the windmill in order to accommodate both the sloping gangway that led up to the mill's main opening, and the broad sweep of the tail-tree that controlled the windmill turret I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I i I I I , I I ·1 I I so that its blades could be adjusted into, or away from the prevailing winds (see illustrations below). A tower windmill and sugar factory of the nineteenth century (Barbados Museum and Historical Society Library, St. Michae I, Barbados) South of the mills, a large 'T' shaped building was erected to house the plantation's primary processing facility. In the stem of the 'T', just opposite and down-slope of the animal mill, was a long single-story room known as the boiling house, where the freshly squeezed sugar juice was condensed into a thick syrup [I].2 2 NOTE: All bracketed letters encountered in the following text relate to the ground plan of the Oxholm sugar factory found on page 39 of this section. For a detailed description of the sugar production process on Annaberg, see the final subheading in this section beginning on page 44. Scene in a nineteenth-century boiling house (Barbados Museum and Historical Society Library, St. Michael, Barbados) Situated along the west wall of the boiling house was a raised platform that held two I I I I I I I I I I I batteries of kettles comprised of four kettles each called the boiling bench [A, B, C, & DJ. I These kettles, known also as coppers, were laid out in descending order of size on either side of a large receiving tank called the clarifier [EJ. kettles. The furnaces were stoked from an area on the outside of the west wall of the boiling house known as the firing trench [G]. Oxholm's plan called for the use of a furnace design known as a Jamaica train. In the Jamaica train, one fire, lit and maintained under the smallest and hottest pot in the boiling bench, the Teache [AJ, was used to heat the entire battery; while the temperature of the individual kettles was controlled by a series of damper doors located along the length of the firing trench. Smoke from the furnaces was expelled by way of a tall external chimney [HJ, situated in-between the two batteries of kettles opposite the clarifier. I I I I I I I I I I I I I .I I I I I I ·I I I I I .1 Above: Cross section of a 'Jamaica train furnace (Detail from: Diderot, 1752 [Reprinted 1959)] ;ic:::::=::Jc::M::Jc:::=Jc=:JJ". L Jc=::JOOc:::=Jc::=:Jt Jc:=:JCM::Jc:::=JC=:JC El G Ii II G fi Ifill ~ Note: In the Annaberg factory building the curing house comprised two stories: a ground floor room, where the molasses cistern was located, and a room above were the barrels where set out to drain into the cistern below. Along the east wall of the interior of the boiling house, directly across from the boiling bench, was an area reserved for the placement of a series of shallow, lead-lined cooling pans [J], in which the freshly cooked syrup was periodically turned, or raked, as it hardened into crystalline sugar. Because the Annaberg sugar factory was built on a steep slope, the southern end of the structure that formed the head of the 'T' stood three stories tall. In the top wooden loft or attic story, were the quarters of the plantation's overseer and under-overseer. On the second story, which was level with the floor of the boiling house, the room in the western wing was used as a storeroom and staging area, where the crystallized raw sugar was packed into barrels with holes drilled into one end [above L]. From there, the barrels were rolled into the room on the opposite side of this wing called the curing house [K], which had a floor made of open grating. Under this grating was a second sloped floor, with channels leading to an opening situated directly above the molasses cistern that stood on the ground floor. The freshly packed barrels of sugar were placed upright on the grating with the holed ends facing downward. Over a period of roughly two to three weeks the barrels were allowed to drain in this manner, while the molasses separated from the sugar crystals and collected in the tank below. Once fully drained, the barrels were sealed and the sugar was conveyed to a warehouse on the bay to await shipping. Meanwhile, the molasses that had been collected in the cistern on the ground floor under the curing house was drawn off and barreled in the open area at the east side of the room [below K]. Some of the molasses was tightly sealed and sent to the warehouse along with the sugar for export, but a portion (depending on the market price of molasses and rum) was transported to the still house to be used in the production of rum [L]. On the floor of the still house were mounted heavy timber trestles that elevated and supported large wooden fermentation tanks known as butts [M]. It is known from an inventory of the Annaberg plantation that two 300-gallon and four 200-gallon butts stood in the still house during this period. Outside, on the far western end of the still house wing, stood a worm cistern (shown in the Oxholm plan as two cisterns) [P], and beyond that were two furnaces over which copper pot-stills were mounted [N]. A portion of fermented liquid made from a mixture of water, molasses, and skimmings (or skummimgs), taken off the top of the boiling cane juice, was drawn off from the butts and placed into the stills. When boiled, the mixture turned to steam and rose I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 'I I I I I into a collector, from where it was directed into a series of tubular coils submerged in cool water called the worm [O]. As the steam cooled it condensed into liquid alcohol (rum), which exited the end of the coil through a pipe into a shallow trough at the base of the worm cistern called a receiver [Q]. A nineteenth century rum still It is here in the Annaberg distillery that an ingenious adaptation of the Oxholm plan is most apparent. In the hot and drought-prone islands of the Lesser Antilles, the production levels of a distillery were limited by a facility's ability to access cool water to create efficient condensation. If cool water was not continually added to the worm cistern during the distillation process, the steam going through the coils would heat the water and the still would have to be shut down while the worm cistern cooled [Anon., 1785]. To overcome this problem on Annaberg, a 570-foot elevated aqueduct was constructed to carry cool water to the worm cistern from a spring-fed holding tank located uphill to the southeast of the factory. As the water in the worm cistern warmed, it was drawn off and either directed through a channel into the boiling house, where it was used for rinsing out the sugar kettles, or sent directly into the still house to refill the butts for a new round of fermentation. Either way, the warm water from the worm cistern always ended up in the fermentation butts, as whatever amount was used for cleaning the kettles was afterwards ladled into the skimming channel on the front of the boiling bench that led down into the still house. It is an intriguing postscript to this section to note that if it were not for one document, we may never have known the dates, or which of the many owners of the estate was the individual responsible for the construction of the imposing Annaberg sugar factory complex. Buried amidst the voluminous records relating to the Danish West Indies colony in the Danish National Archives in Copenhagen was found a single sheet of tabulations pertaining to the enslaved population on Annaberg in 1805. In a blank space at the bottom of the page labeled "Observations," James Murphy's plantation overseer, Owen Sheridan, wrote in a cramped, but legible script: "On this estate is a wind mill, cattle mill, a large & convenient set of works, a magass house, a mule pen with sheds, all built since 1 797 ... " [PR, 1805] ( for a complete transcript of the plantation reports for Murphy's St. John properties see: Appendix II; third page of Table 11). Nineteenth Century Modifications To The Annaberg Faetory Complex It must be stressed that the preceding description of the Annaberg factory has sought to portray the primary processing facility on the estate as it was at the time of its construction between 1797 and 1805. But, as evidenced by even a cursory inspection of the ruins that stand on the site today, the Annaberg complex has undergone any number of modifications over the years -- the most recent being the large-scale stabilization efforts carried out by the National Park Service in the latter half of the twentieth century. Inventories for the estate indicate that sometime prior to 1863 the boiling bench in the Annaberg factory was converted to a single battery of four kettles, with perhaps as many as three built in clarifying tank.s. Presumably at the·same time the distillery was reduced to one pot-still. These modifications are represented by the configuration encountered on the site today. It is possible that this down-sizing of production capabilities occurred as early as the end of the first quarter of the eighteenth century, when tax records indicate that the amount of sugar cane under cultivation on the plantation plummeted from 200 to less than 90 acres, and the enslaved population dropped from 180 to 155 individuals (see Appendix I, Charts B, C, and D) [SJA, 1819-25]. While the exact dates of any of the alterations to the Annaberg factory during the Danish colonial period remain uncertain, it is clear that after emancipation was achieved in 1848, labor shortages and falling sugar prices had made it no longer economically feasible to run and I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I i I I I I I I I I maintain the facility at anything close to its original levels of production. Although sugar continued to be made at Annaberg until the devastating year of 1867, production had long been erratic at best, and the cane-sugar industry as a whole had been in general decline since the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century [SJRD, 1846-70; STA, 1803-1915]. By the time a census was compiled on St. John in the fall of 1870, the Annaberg factory complex lay totally abandoned, its outdated equipment and processing facilities damaged beyond all hope of a profitable resumption of production. No organized large-scale sugar production, or attempts to modify the structures on the site for alternative industries, has taken place at the Annaberg factory complex since that date. An animal driven sugar mill (Detail from: Diderot, 1752 [Reprinted 1959]) (Illustration from Lewisohn, 1964) How Sugar Was Made At The Annaberg Factory At Annaberg sugar cane was cut in the fields and conveyed to the mills by various means. Wooden channels were used to "shoot" the sugar cane downhill from the fields in the upland areas of the plantation, and a "windlass" was used to hoist sugar cane up from the fields in the valley below the factory. But, as on most properties, the majority of the sugar cane was brought to the mills by cart. Once near the mill the cane stalks were cut short, bundled, and carried by hand to the grinders. All canes were passed through the mill's grinding machinery twice, after which the I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I !I ·1 I ·I I I ·1 I I I I I I ·1 I I I I I spent stalks, called magass, were carried away to a drying shed for later use as fuel for the furnaces of the boiling house. Juice from the crushed cane ran out of the bottom of the grinders into a large vessel known as the receiver. The flow of the juice collected in the receiver could be controlled. When fresh juice was needed in the factory it was released from the receiver into a trough or pipe that led downhill into a tank in the factory known as a clarifier (at different dates the Annaberg boiling house might have had as few as one, or as many as three clarifiers ). The clarifier, which generally held between 300 and 400 gallons, was situated on the boiling bench in a position where its contents were heated but never boiled. To the juice in the darifier was added a temper, such as lime powder, a vegetable alkali, or the ashes of certain woods, and as the mixture warmed impurities attached to the temper and rose to the surface as scum. Unlike the froth that was formed in the pots at a later stages of the boiling process, scum from the clarifier could not be used in the fermentation butts for the distillation of rum. It was, however, collected and made into slop for animal feed. The cane juice remained in the clarifier for approximately an hour while impurities collected on top. Once ready for boiling, the juice was let out of the clarifier by way of a cock or siphon into the largest boiling pot on the bench known as the grand copper. As the juice in the grand copper boiled, a thick frothy scum formed on the top. This residue was used in the same manner as the scum from the clarifier, while skimmings from the final three kettles were taken off and placed in a channel that ran down the front of the boiling bench into the still house where they were put in the fermentation butts. When the contents of the grand copper had been reduced through evaporation by roughly half, the now somewhat thicker juice was quickly ladled into the next copper in the battery, and the grand copper was refilled from the clarifier. As boiling and skimming continued in the second and third coppers, the juice became increasingly reduced. At this stage, it was often necessary to add lime-water to the coppers in order to facilitate further tempering and dilute the juice's thickness. Finally, the thickened juice was ladled into the fourth and hottest kettle called the teache, where the final stage of evaporation was carried out. By this point the juice had become a heavy syrup, and it was tested in cold water for coagulation. When deemed ready, the syrup was rapidly ladled into a shallow, lead-lined box called a cooling pan. The act ofremoving the juice from the teache at the proper moment before the sugar burned, but after the point when it would crystallize upon cooling, was called striking, and it was amongst the most critical procedures in the sugar production process Cooling pans were usually 7 feet long by 5 feet wide and held roughly 1,600 pounds of sugar. Once in the cooling pan the cane syrup gradually hardened into a coarse mass of crystals in a thick brown residue called molasses. As the crystals formed, they were occasionally raked in order to separate the grains and prevent the sugar from clumping. Once the sugar was sufficiently cooled, it was transported to the curing house where the process of draining off the molasses was carried out. Sugar produced in this manner, known as muscovado, was still quite dark in color. The refining of muscovado into white sugar was not allowed in the Danish West Indies. That right was reserved for the large and powerful sugar refineries in Denmark. Rum, which was made with byproducts from the sugar production process, was the only truly refined end-product exported from the Annaberg factory during the colonial period. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I AN UPDATED SURVEY OF THE ANNABERG FACTORY COMPLEX NAME The Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION The Annaberg factory complex is located on the North Shore of St. John approximately midway between Annaberg Point and the mouth of Mary's Creek at Nl8° 21.783' x W 64° 43.787'.3 The mills and factory are situated on a prominent knoll a short distance from the shoreline at an average elevation of 107 feet (32.61 meters) above mean sea level. 4 The site commands an expansive view of the surrounding landscape of St. John and the British Virgin Islands, as well as Mary's Creek, Water Lemon Bay, and the Narrows of Sir Francis Drake's Channel. The Annaberg factory ruins are approached by vehicular traffic from the west via a spur of the North Shore Road (Route 20). Presently, the site can be accessed from the east only on foot by way of a trail which roughly follows the historic estate road that once connected Annaberg with neighboring Leinster Bay plantation. DESCRIPTION (Note: bracketed letters in the following text refer to the site map on page 48 of this section.) The ruins of the Annaberg factory complex stand out as a prominent landmark amidst the rapidly diminishing cultural landscape of St. John's North Shore. A sturdy retaining wall [A], constructed along the north, east, and southeast sides of a knoll, supports an irregular level platform that provides the setting for the site's masonry windmill tower [B] and animal mill [CJ. The walls of the animal mill rotunda serve to retain the platform to the northwest, west, and 3 Site location reading was taken from the center point of the Annaberg animal mill with a Garmin eTrex Summit Global Positioning System. GPS display indicated an accuracy of within 21 feet. 4 ibid. [no margin of accuracy indicated] southwest. The ruins of the site's primary processing facility (factory building) [D] stand down- slope from the mill platform, roughly 48 feet south of the center point of the animal mill. Fragments of at least twenty-one laborers' houses [E] with rubble masonry foundations can be discerned on the northeast, north, and northwest slopes of the knoll below the retaining walls. Additionally, excavated flat areas on the hillside denote where other dwellings of less substantial construction once stood. In addition to these elements, the Annaberg factory complex also comprises the ruined remains of a mule pen [F], bake oven [G], a sick house with a cistern and detention cell [H], a privy [I], magass house [J], two elevated cisterns with a connecting aqueduct [K], a well with a drinking trough [L], and an unidentified structure [M]. An early twentieth century cook house has also been preserved on the site [N]. NORTH Although the lands associated with the Annaberg plantation were under cultivation as early as 1722, the existing Annaberg factory complex was not constructed until after the purchase of the property by James E. Murphy in 1796. Soon after his acquisition of the estate, Murphy set out to upgrade and modernize his new holding by the construction of a state-of-the-art processing facility and a tower windmill. By 1805 construction was complete, and it was reported to the Danish West Indies government that on the site now stood " ... a wind mill, cattle mill, a large & I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I convenient set of works, a magass house, a mule pen with sheds, all built since 1797 ... " [PR, 1805]. After James Murphy's death in 1808, Annaberg remained in the hands of his heirs and their guardians until 1862. Throughout most of this period the plantation remained profitable, with production levels exceeding 100,000 pounds of raw sugar per year as late as 1845. But growing soil depletion, a sagging colonial economy, and labor shortages after emancipation in 1848 all served to drive down production. In 1861, Annaberg's sugar crop yielded less than 5,000 pounds of raw sugar. In 1863 the Annaberg estate was put up for public auction and sold to a local St. John planter of mixed European and African descent, Abraham C. Hill. Hill, however, did not survive to take possession of the property. Less than one year later Annaberg was auctioned once again, and on that occasion it was purchased by Thomas Letsom Loyd of Tortola. For a time Thomas Loyd struggled to keep the Annaberg factory in operation, but the catastrophic hurricane and earthquakes of 1867 soon brought the era of sugar production on the estate to a close. With his buildings in ruin, and his diminished cane fields rapidly reverting to bush, Loyd sold Annaberg to George Francis for the sum of $100. No sugar production has taken place at the Annaberg factory complex since that date. The present condition of the primary components of the Annaberg factory complex are generally good and stable. However, no stabilization efforts have been carried out on the aqueduct system and cisterns [K]. the well and watering trough [L]. the unidentified structure [Ml or the mule pen [Fl all of which are rapidly deteriorating and in immediate need of attention. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE Built at the very pinnacle of the sugar trade at the tum of the nineteenth century, the Annaberg factory complex is the finest and most well-preserved publicly accessible example of a colonial-era sugar processing facility in the Virgin Islands. Planned and constructed with an unwavering singularity of purpose, the Annaberg factory was perhaps the first sugar factory constructed in the northern Virgin Islands to the plan proposed by Danish engineer Peter L. Oxholm in 1797. The ruins of the Annaberg factory complex illustrate the colonial-era manufacture of muscovado sugar and its byproducts, molasses and rum, from the extraction of sugar cane juice to the packing and storage of those products for export. Additionally, the remains of the laborers' village on the site offer a rare glimpse into the life-ways and living conditions of the individuals of African descent who physically constructed the complex, cultivated the fields, and operated, serviced, and maintained the factory. But far beyond being simply the well-preserved remains of an industrial processing facility of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the ruins of the Annaberg factory complex stand out as an enduring reminder of the vast fortunes that were gained by an elite few at the cost of incomprehensible human suffering throughout the colonial period. As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins within the Annaberg factory complex are significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing, or the post-plantation period of subsistence farming and livestock rearing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the Annaberg Historic District, the sugar factory compJex is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other sites in the district. While the loss of structural components and equipment decrease integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg factory complex to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE: For many visitors, a trip to Annaberg is a step back into America's rich colonial past: a visit to a place where history and heritage become tangible. They are awed by the beauty of the I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I urr undmg. ed h_ h m lh r n r ·ug r ther h \\ ' r. und m p ru ular h ·1111mal mill m th n 11111 1b •r • meh \\ ndur n h ,ind ng m._ r lhe la l m r ·imply relt. ntra l !uh r, mhum nil). an ul ur I 1d nt1t I fr ~ r th ll . th· rum th t 1 th ulmral h ! the \ ir.)n I nd p pl J\ d CJUlk I ,\ n n ~ l th~ rg It h ll thrng. n m l th \ nn 1111 le d, I mu amp! I mud il r ·ul u I tn ·lu n d n lb limit Iii ,j,,dfr man dmini trall\ 11\l 'rpri;: i ·e tng. at r.mg ng ng mdu tn I I n u t th nn h rg ta l ry mpl . : 1r - Id"' ·1h pr . cm nna mpl ·: I I - I d < - I -- £) mpl h m.: igni team impJ t n th· hi-.1 ry an ultur • I \'irgin I·land· ng Ill . I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I II CONTRIBUTING FEATURES ASSOCIATED WITH THE ANNABERG FACTORY COMPLEX NAME OF STRUCTURE [A] Retaining Wall, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE The Annaberg retaining wall supports the north, east, and southeast sides of the irregular earthen platform that provides the setting for the site's mills. The walls of the animal mill rotunda serve to retain the platform to the northwest, west, and southwest. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION A continuous rubble masonry retaining wall varying in height from five to twenty feet controls the grades of the Annaberg mill platform. On the north side of the site the wall extends east-west for approximately 300 feet. Towards the east it extends south for roughly 100 feet before continuing in a generally southwesterly direction for another 70 feet. The highest section of the wall is at its northeast intersection where it supports the level area of the windmill platform that accommodated the sweep of the mill's tail-tree. A small vaulted cell is built into the southeast comer of the platform and is accessible from grade level below the retaining wall (see: [HJ Sick House, Cistern and Detention Cell). Present condition of the Annaberg retaining wall is generally good and stable. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the retaining wall is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While some reconstruction has taken place, enough remains of the original Annaberg retaining wall to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE Most of the Annaberg retaining wall was built at the time of the construction of the windmill, between 1797 and 1805. However, it is likely that elements of the wall predate the existing factory complex. Period of primary significance of the Annaberg retaining wall: 1796 - 1867 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 'I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I NAME OF STRUCTURE [B] Windmill, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE Situated within the cluster of ruined structures that make up the Annaberg factory complex, the masonry cone of the site's windmill is located 83 feet east of the center point of the Animal Mill (Nl8° 21.783' x W 64° 43.787'). PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION "The ruins of the windmill stand on the level platform centered north-south and six feet from its east edge. The circular mill consists of a truncated cone with an exterior diameter of 34 feet at its base and 20' 2" at the top, which is 38 feet high. It is built in rubble masonry with battered and stepped walls measuring 4' 10" at floor level ( 11 feet above grade of platform) and 2' 1 O" at the top. The interior diameter is 20 feet diminishing upward to 14' 6" . Access to the mill is from the west by built-up ramp that is preserved in fragments only. In addition to the entrance, there is an opening in the walls for discharging the bagasse towards the northwest, an exchange slit towards the north, and an opening for the cane juice sluice towards the south. All openings are arched and framed in cut and dressed coral blocks on the exterior. They are decorated with keystones and projecting voussoirs. Additionally, the exterior has a projecting collar band, two framed masonry panels over the entrance and an articulated base. On the interior facing the entrance is a shallow fireplace built into the exterior wall. The flue follows the curvature of the wall and opens to the exterior immediately below the collar band on the north side of the mill. The mill has retained fragments of the original brick pavement and traces of the interior wood framing can still be discerned, but except for two beams in the exchange slit, all parts of the interior works and of the moveable wood superstructure that crowned the masonry tower are missing. The standing masonry cone is in good condition" [Gjessing, 1978]. In addition to the above noted windmill components, it is known from an 1809 plantation inventory that a "complete kitchen and oven" were once located under the windmill gangway. _ J Present condition of the Annaberg windmill tower is generally good and stable. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the windmill tower is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decrease integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg windmill to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE The Anna berg windmill was constructed between 1797 and 1805. It is of the Dutch type, a design that was in common use throughout the Danish West Indies in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in which the axle and sails were moved into position by way of a timber pole (tail-tree) connected to a rotating wooden turret. The windmill was noted to be in "good condition" in estate inventories as late as 1863, so it can be assumed that it was still operable until sugar production ceased on the site in 1867. Period of significance of the Annaberg windmill: 1797 - 1867. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1. I I I I I I I I NAME OF STRUCTURE [C] Animal Mill, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE Situated within the cluster of ruined structures that make up the Annaberg factory complex, the animal mill is centered at Nl8° 21.783' x W 64° 43.787'. The walls of the outer radius of the mill are roughly 50 feet west of the windmill tower and 15 feet north of the factory building at their closest points. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION The Annaberg animal mill comprises a level, nearly circular platform, with an average diameter of approximately 66 feet. The mill rotunda is defined by a rubble masonry retaining wall ranging from 3 to 13 feet in height. Access to the mill platform is from the east, opposite the windmill. The masonry foundations of the grinding mechanism, the brick-covered cane juice gutter, and the footprint of the juice receiver are all still in evidence. A section of the exterior retaining wall on the northwest side has collapsed revealing the walls of an earlier and smaller animal mill, the upper walls of which are also discernible at some places on the mill platform -- most notably near the opening on the east side. Subsequent to the discontinuance of sugar production on the Annaberg plantation, a wooden dwelling was erected on the mill platform with a detached masonry cook house. While the remains of the house were removed by the NPS in 1960, the cook house has been preserved and is located near the perimeter wall on the west side of the mill (see [N] Annaberg Cook House). Present condition of the Annaberg animal mill is generally good and stable. ST A TEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criteri.on D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the animal mill is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decrease integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg animal mill to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE It is known from estate inventories that a previous animal mill stood on the Annaberg site prior to 1 793. The remains of this somewhat smaller mill have been exposed by a collapse of the retaining wall on the west side of the existing rotunda. Construction began on the larger mill after the purchase of Annaberg by James E. Murphy in 1796. It was completed by 1805. An animal mill was noted in estate documents as late as 1863, so it can be assumed that it was still operable when sugar production ceased on the site in 1867. Period of primary significance of the Annaberg animal mill: 1797 - 1867. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I NAME OF STRUCTURE [D] Factory Building, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE The north wall of the Annaberg factory building is located approximately 48 feet south of the center point of the animal mill (Nl8° 21.783' x W 64° 43.787'). PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION "The factory is a "T" shaped building. The stem of the "T" contained the boiling house that points south-north towards the horse mill and measures 31' 8" by 58' 9". The head of the "T" contained the storage, curing and fermentation facilities of the factory and built against its west wall a still and still cistern. It measures 112' by 27' 9". The east wall of the curing and storage wing and the north wall of the boiling house are continued north and east, respectively in stone walls enclosing a rectangular open court east of the boiling house paved in fieldstone. The court is entered by a gateway in the north wall. It contains a cistern in the southeast comer, a masonry staircase supported on two arches built against the storage wing leading to a former attic story and the masonry footings of a small wood structure that was built against the east wall of the boiling house. "A firing trench is located against the west wall of the boiling house. Traces of the former roof over the trench is still discernible. Access to the boiling house is from the north and east. Its floor level is 30 inches above the grade of the passage between the factory and the horse mill and two feet above grade of the court. A doorway in the south wall of the boiling house provided access to the storage and curing wing of the factory which led to the higher terrain on the south side of the factory has a full story below the first floor of the boiling house. The storage and curing wing is divided into two equal spaces and on the second floor interconnected by a doorway. The ground floor is accessible from the exterior through two doorways in the south wall. The walls of the boiling house and the north and south wall of the storage and curing wing stand to plate height. Although both the chimney and the still have been reduced to rubble, the standing remains provide a clear picture of the functions of the factory and the various steps of the sugar production .... The building shows evidence of alterations and additions and the storage and curing wing of the factory exhibit building practices of considerable variances with the boiling house" [Gjessing, 1978]. Present condition of the Annaberg factory building is generally good and stable. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the factory building is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decrease integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg factory building to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE It is known from estate inventories that a previous boiling house stood on the Annaberg site prior to 1793. Elements of this earlier structure may have been retained and utilized in constructing the existing factory building. Construction of the current factory building began after 1796, and the building was completed prior to 1805. At an undetermined date prior to 1863 the production capabilities of the factory were down-sized from an eight- to a four-pot boiling house, and from a two- to a one-still distillery. Despite these modifications the Annaberg factory building remained in continuous operation until sugar production ceased on the site in 1867. Period of primary significance of the Annaberg factory building: 1797 - 1867. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I' I I I I I I • ,I I 1· I I I I I I I NAME OF STRUCTURE [E] Laborers' Village, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE The Annaberg factory complex is located on the North Shore of St. John approximately midway between Annaberg Point and the mouth of Mary's Creek at Nl8° 21.783' x W 64° 43.787'. The village of the estate's laborers is situated downslope of the factory complex along the full length of the north retaining wall, and beyond it to the east and west along the contour of the hillsides. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION The remains of at least twenty-one dwellings can still be discerned in the area of the Annaberg laborers' village -- although as many as sixty-five are known to have once stood on the site. The houses had packed mud and lime mortar walls, reinforced by a woven frame of small branches supported by roughhewn upright poles. Roofs were thatched with palm fronds or stacked reeds known as 'thrash.' At least nineteen of these structures had rubble masonry foundations about 2 feet 6 inches in height, with an average dimension of 13 by 26 feet. The wattle and daub. walls have long since disintegrated, but imprints of the wooden frames are still visible on the inside of the masonry bases. The access door for each dwelling was located in an end wall and the floors were made of a stamped clay and lime mixture. What may have been an bake oven or a small kiln for the production of low-fired pottery (often referred to as 'slave ware') is located in the northwestern section of the village between the remains of two dwellings. Overall condition of the elements that compnse the Annaberg laborers' village are generally poor. with only a few foundations presently stabilized. More attention to this highly significant. and potentially oldest. area of the factory complex is advised. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the laborers' village is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components decreases integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg laborers' village to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE In his 1780 manuscript map of St. John, Peter Oxholm depicted a cluster of slave dwellings situated in roughly the same location where the main concentration of ruined foundations of the village are found on Annaberg today. Estate inventories indicate that the village comprised twenty-one slave dwellings by 1793, and that this number conti1;med to grow until 1809 when sixty-five houses were recorded. In 1863, when the last inventory was taken before sugar production at Annaberg ceased, there were still twenty-four occupied dwellings in the laborers' village. It is not known at what date the last of these structures was vacated. Period of primary significance of the Annaberg laborers' village: circa 1779 - 1867. I I I I I I I I I I I I I. I I I I I I I 1· I I I :1 I I I • I I I I ., I I I ,, I NAME OF STRUCTURE [F] Livestock Pen and Possible Stables, Annaberg Factory Complex (Note: both mules and cattle were used to propel the animal mill on Annaberg during different periods.) LOCATION OF STRUCTURE The Annaberg livestock pen and possible stables are located downslope 70 feet west of the factory building. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION The Annaberg livestock pen and possible stables are represented by a rectangular enclosure defined by rubble masonry walls. The outer perimeter of the pen measure 60 by 120 feet. It is divided into two equal sections by a cross wall. The footings of a covered enclosure built against the outer walls measuring 20 by 30 feet are located in the southwest comer of the pen. This covered area was possibly the estate's horse stables, while the northern enclosure, which was most likely covered by a thatched shade or canopy, was reserved for the beasts-of-burden (mules and cattle) that ran the mill. The walls of the pen have crumbled and stand to their original height only in the southwest and southeast comers and for a short section of the east wall. Present condition of the Annaberg livestock pen and stables is generally poor. with little or no stabilization ever having taken place. This feature is also being adversely impacted by the cultural demonstration of charcoal burning on the site. The relocation of these demonstrations and the stabilization and maintenance of all remaining standing walls are advised. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the livestock pen and stables are clearly of national significance. They possess substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying their original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decrease integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg livestock pen and stables to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE Estate inventories indicate that an animal pen and stables stood on the Annaberg site prior to 1 793. Elements of these earlier structures may have been retained and utilized in constructing the present feature. Construction of the existing livestock pen with its associated stables began soon after the purchase of Annaberg by James E. Murphy in 1796. It is known to have been completed prior to 1805. The pen and stables remained in continuous use until sugar production ceased on the site in 1867. A portion of the pen may have continued to be utilized as a corral throughout the post-production period of general farming and stock raising. Period of primary significance of the Annaberg livestock pen and stables: circa 1779 - 1867. I I I I I I· I I I I I I I I I I I 1 _ _ _!J ., I I I 1· I I I I • I I I I I 1· I I I I NAME OF STRUCTURE [G] Bake Oven, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE Situated within the cluster of ruined structures that make up the Annaberg factory complex, the bake oven is located at the southeast end of the retaining wall between the windmill tower and the court of the factory, 65 feet from the center of the animal mill. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION "A bake oven measuring 12' X 10' 6" is located at the southeast end of the retaining wall between the windmill tower and the court of the factory. It has a short flue above the opening of the baking chamber on the west face of the oven. It is constructed in rubble masonry with brick . lining of openings, bake chamber and flue. The unusually large size of the bake oven indicates it was used in community food preparation" [Gjessing, 1978]. Overall condition of the Annaberg bake oven is good and stable: however. some patching and general maintenance are presently necessary to mitigate future deterioration. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the bake oven is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position . and relationship to the other structures within the complex. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE It is known from the 1809 estate inventory that a "complete kitchen and oven" was located "under the gangway" of the Annaberg windmill. The existing oven is presumed to be the one referenced in that document. If so, the oven most likely remained in continuous use until Period of primary significance of the Annaberg bake oven: circa 1 797 - 1867 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1: I I I I I 1· • I I :1 11 I I I I .I I NAME OF STRUCTURE [HJ Sick House, Cistern, and Detention Cell, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION Situated within the cluster of ruined structures that make up the Annaberg factory complex, the sick house is located 123 feet east-southeast of the center point of the animal mill at the southeast comer of the windmill platform. An in-ground cistern and a detention cell, which is accessed from grade level, provide the foundation for the structure. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION The structure believed to be the Annaberg sick house is represented by a rectangular foundation and floor slab measuring 23 feet 6 inches by 17 feet 9 inches. The floor of the building stands at ground level on the southeast comer of the windmill platform, while its east and south foundation walls form the southeast comer of the platform's retaining wall. The building appears to have originally been constructed as an independent structure, but was later incorporated into the retaining wall when the windmill platform was created. In the northern section of the sick house foundation is an open water cistern measuring 6 by 10 feet, with a depth of 8 feet. Beam pockets around the upper rim of the cistern indicate that it was covered over by a floor. Built into the western edge of the slab is an 8-foot downspout receiver that channeled water into the cistern. Remnants of a staircase that once led from the mill platform to grade level at the base of the cistern are discernible on the east retaining wall. The steps appear to have accessed the site's privy and bath area. A bricked recess with a water outlet at the foot o(the steps may have been a mount for a basin and water tap. The foundation of the privy is located 14 feet east downslope of the cistern, and these two features may once have been housed under a wooden roof that is no longer apparent (see: [I] Privy). Below the sick house floor in the southern section of the foundation is a vaulted detention cell that is accessed by way of a south-facing door at grade level. A small window is located in the east wall of the cell. Perhaps the most important and least appreciated features of the Annaberg factory complex are the numerous images scratched into the walls of the detention cell. Among them are drawings of at least two ships, one closely resembling a type known as a Baltimore Clipper. Because of their speed and nimble handling characteristics, Baltimore Clippers were often used in the illicit slave trade during the mid and late nineteenth century. But more important than the ship drawings is the rendering of a large building that is believed to be a depiction of the Annaberg and Leinster Bay estate house, which was clearly visible directly out the window on the east wall of the cell. Leg shackles are known to have still been secured to the floor of the cell in the mid-1950s. The present condition of the Annaberg sick house, cistern, and detention cell is generally good and stable. However, actions are immediately reguired to preserve and protect the nineteenth- centmy drawings of buildings and sailing ships that are etched into the walls of the detention cell. Special efforts should be made to ensure that the drawings are not subject to water infiltration or other damaging conditions. A gualified curator should examine the drawings and propose a treatment plan for their preservation. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the sick house, with its associated cistern and detention cell, is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decreases integrity, enough remains of the sick house, cistern, and detention cell to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. I I I I I I I I I I I ,, I I I I I I I I I, I I I I I I ,, i I I I ,, 1· I I I I PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE A brick-built "dungeon" and storehouse was listed among the buildings on Annaberg in the 1793 estate inventory. It is possible that the east and south walls of this structure were later incorporated into the retaining walls for the windmill platform during James Murphy's upgrading of the factory complex at the tum of the nineteenth century. While no references to a dungeon or detention cell can be found in later inventories, a sick house, or hospital, is noted in both the 1842 and 1863 appraisals of the property. References in pre-emancipation police journals to individuals being placed under arrest on Annaberg and detained in the "hospital" have led to the conclusion that the detention cell was in the ground floor room of the sick house building. Period of primary significance of the sick house, cistern, and detention cell: circa 1 779 - 1867. NAME OF STRUCTURE [I] Privy, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION Situated within the cluster of ruined structures that make up the Annaberg factory complex, the privy is located downslope PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION The privy, or "necessary," is represented by a three-sided foundation, 7 feet 8 inches long by 7 feet 8 inches wide. The privy is built on grade, with its eastern, downslope wall standing approximately 6 feet high. An arched drainage outlet (now blocked) is situated at the base of the lower wall. Present condition of the Annaberg privy is generally good and stable; however, the structure has been roughly pointed and is only reminiscent of the original foundation. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of farming and livestock rearing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the privy is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decreases integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg privy to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. I I I I I I I 1- 1 I I I' I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1· 1· I .I I .I PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE The presence of a privy was first reported in the 1809 estate inventory, although at that time is was noted as "unfinished." It is likely that the privy was refurbished and utilized during the post-sugar-production period of residential use of the site. Period of primary significance of the Privy: circa 1809 - 1900s _,_____________________________________ NAME OF STRUCTURE [J] Magass House, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE Situated within the cluster of ruined structures that make up the Annaberg factory complex, the magass house is located immediately downslope to the west of the animal mill, and a short distance northwest of the firing trench of the factory's boiling house. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION The magass house structure was an open rectangular shed where spent cane stalks were stored and dried for use as fuel in the furnaces of the boiling house and stills. The roof of the shed was supported by two rows of four rubble masonry pillars, each roughly 2 feet square. The pillars of the south row have toppled and the debris has been removed; the north row still stands to what may have been full height. Nothing remains of the wooden roof structure. According to estate inventories the shed covered a rectangular area measuring 24 by 60 feet. The present condition of the remaining elements of the Annaberg magass house is generally good and stable. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the magass house is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and I I I I I I' I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 'I I I I I I I I I I I~ I I I I relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decreases integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg magass house to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE: The Annaberg magass house was constructed after the purchase of the property by James E. Murphy in 1796. It remained a necessary element of the factory complex until sugar production ceased on the site in the fall of 1867. Period of significance of the Annaberg magass house: 1797 - 1867 NAME OF STRUCTURE [K] Water Collection and Delivery System, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE A water collection and delivery system extends approximately 600 feet uphill to the southeast of the Annaberg factory building. It consists of a spring-fed cistern located alongside a steep gut at its uppermost extremity, connected by an elevated aqueduct leading to a receiving cistern situated 60 feet southwest of the still house. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION The Annaberg water collection and delivery system consists of an elevated cistern built alongside a dammed stream bed, connected by a continuous elevated masonry aqueduct to a receiving cistern just south of the still house. The first and highest cistern remains largely intact, but all evidence of the dam in the stream bed have long since been washed away. Long sections of the aqueduct remain distinguishable with portions still standing roughly 2 to 6 feet above grade. Pieces of the red-clay tile water channels are scattered along the length of the system. The lower run of the aqueduct is mostly collapsed and only the elevated base and low~r sections of the walls remain. The badly deteriorating receiving cistern is situated high enough to allow controlled gravity-fed water to be released into the worm cistern of the factory's distillery. Overall condition of the Annaberg water collection and delivery system is poor. with no stabilization efforts ever having been carried out. It is highly recommended that a concerted effort be made to immediately preserve. protect. and maintain this highly significant element of the Annaberg factory complex. Further, the remains of an historic cart road follow the course of the aqueduct. This previously unrecognized feature of the factory complex offers an excellent opportunity to provide pedestrian access to the full length of the Annaberg water collection and delivery system for interpretive purposes, if the road trace can be adequately protected. I I I I I I I I I I I 1· I I I I I. I I I I I I I I I I I • I I I I I I' I I I I ST A TEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the water collection and delivery system is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decrease integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg water collection and delivery system to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE The Annaberg water collection and delivery system was first noted in the 1809 estate inventory where it was described as, "a water cistern with wall spout 570 [Danish] feet long and an average of 8 feet high." Its presence was not mentioned in the 1842 inventory of the property, and by 1863 it appears to have been replaced by a wind-driven well-pump system. Period of primary significance of the Annaberg water collection and delivery system: circa 1797 to before 1842. NAME OF STRUCTURE [L] Well and Watering Troughs, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE Two connected watering troughs are located in the swampy lowland along the entrance road to the Annaberg parking lot roughly 300 feet west of the factory. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION Two connected watering troughs, each 45 feet long and 2 feet wide, are located in the swampy lowland west of the Annaberg factory. One is situated parallel with the paved road and is raised 1 foot 3 inches above grade; the second stands 9 inches taller and extends in a generally easterly direction perpendicular to the first. The higher trough terminates inland at a circular, stone-lined well shaft with a diameter of 5 feet. The present condition of the Annaberg well and watering troughs is generally poor. with no stabilization efforts ever having been carried out. It is recommended that a concerted attempt be made to preserve. protect. and maintain this highly significant element of the Annaberg factory complex -- especially as it can be viewed from the main access road to the site. ST A TEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing, or for their association with the post-sugar-production period of subsistence farming and livestock rearing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the well and watering trough are clearly of national significance. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I i I I I. 11 I I I I .I They possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying their original position and relationship to the other structures. within the complex. While the loss of structural components and equipment decreases integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg well and watering trough PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE The presence of a well and watering trough on the Annaberg plantation is not noted in estate inventories until the 1863. Water was pumped from the well into the troughs by a wind- driven force pump. It is possible that this feature remained in use during the post-sugar- production period of general farming and livestock raising in the early twentieth century. Period of primary significance of the well and troughs: circa 1863 - 1900s. Note: A second, more substantial well and watering trough, are located within the bounds of the Annaberg estate approximately midway between the Annaberg School and the Francis boiling house on the south side of the road to Mary's Point. To date this structure has not been investigated, measured, or added to the NPS List of Classified Structures database. Its date of construction and period of use remain undetermined, but it is clearly historic. NAME OF STRUCTURE [M] Unidentified Structure, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE An unidentified structure is located 60 feet south of the factory's curing house wing. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION "The remains of a building measuring 24' by 32' is located 60 feet south of the factory. It appears to have had a second story and a masonry staircase is built against its south wall. The ground floor had masonry walls towards the north, west and south while it is open towards the east and the second story on this side was supported by masonry pillars spaced eight feet on centers ... " [Gjessing, 1978]. The overall present condition of the unidentified structure on Annaberg is poor. with no stabilization efforts ever having been carried out. It is recommended that a concerted attempt be made to preserve. protect. and maintain this structure. as it may yet prove to be a highly significant element of the Annaberg factory complex. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, all of the ruins that make up the Annaberg factory complex are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing; Criterion C, for their distinctive design, physical context, and construction methods; and Criterion D, for their potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial industrial land use on the site, the functions of its components, and lives of its occupants. Together with other remains throughout the factory complex, the unidentified structure is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the complex. While the loss of structural I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ii I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I components and equipment decreases integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg unidentified structure to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE In his 1978 survey of Annaberg, Frederik Gjessing conjectured that this unidentified building may have been a stable. The presence of a "stable" on Annaberg is noted in the 1793 and 1842 estate inventories, but not in the 1805 plantation report or 1809 appraisal. While it is possible that this feature could represent either or both of these structures, its configuration appears to make it unlikely. The function and period of usage of the building, therefore, remain to be determined. Period of primary significance of the unidentified structure: circa 1793 - 1867. NAME OF STRUCTURE · [N] Cook House, Annaberg Factory Complex LOCATION OF STRUCTURE The Annaberg cook house is located on the southwest of the perimeter wall of the animal mill at Nl8° 21.783' x W 64° 43.787'. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION A roughly 13-foot-square cook house is located on the southwest perimeter wall of the animal mill. An attached oven measuring 6 feet 3 inches wide extends 5 feet out from the northwest comer of the building. The oven is accessible from the interior of the structure. Entry to the cook house is through a doorway in the west wall, and the building has window openings in both the north and south walls. A masonry cooking counter extends two-thirds of the way along the west wall of the interior room. There is a brick hood above the counter that tapers upward to a flue and chimney. The cook house has a shed roof with metal roofing. The Annaberg cook house is presently in fair to good condition, and is being used as the ST A TEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE Built soon after the tum of the twentieth century, in a period often referred to as the 'subsistence era,' the Annaberg (Francis) cook house stands as an enduring testament to a unique As per National Register guidelines, the Annaberg cook house is significant under Criterion A, for its association with the post-production period at Annaberg and the broader subsistence period on St. John; Criterion C, for its distinctive design, discrete physical context, and period construction methods; and Criterion D, for its potential to reveal further information regarding the evolution of its design, methods of construction, functions, and the lives of the I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I people who constructed and utilized it. Together with the earlier remains of the Annaberg factory complex, the cook house is clearly a significant structure. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, feeling, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other structures within the factory complex. The cook house has currently been restored and daily conveys its overall significance through its use as the centerpiece of cultural heritage demonstrations at Annaberg. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE: While the exact date of the construction of the Annaberg cook house remains unknown, it was most likely built concurrently with a wooden dwelling that once stood immediately adjacent to it on the south side of the horse mill. It is believed that both structures were erected by Carl Francis soon after his acquisition of the Annaberg property in 1900. Carl Francis and his family lived amidst the ruins on Annaberg from 1900 until just prior to Carl's death in 1936. Like most St. John residents of this period, they lived a somewhat frugal and self-sufficient existence. They grew provision crops, grazed some livestock, and produced quicklime and charcoal. Throughout this period Francis rose to be a prominent and respected island figure. He served as the St. John representative to the Colonial Council (the local governing body prior to the establishment of the Virgin Islands Legislature), acted as Clerk and Lay Reader to the Nazareth Lutheran Congregation for over twenty years, and raised the first United States Flag over St. John in the transfer ceremonies held at the Cruz Bay Battery on April 15, 1917. Creque heirs that the Jackson Hole Preserve purchased the property in 1954. At the time Annaberg was officially turned over to the National Park Service by the Jackson Hole Preserve in 1956, elements of the Francis house were still habitable. It was not until 1960 that the decision was reached to remove the wooden dwelling from the horse mill and retain the cook house on the site. Currently, the restored Annaberg cook house serves as the centerpiece for cultural heritage demonstrations at Annaberg. Primary period of significance of the Annaberg (Francis) cook house: 1900 - 1954 I I I I I I I lh nnob bru ~ I 60 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ====··:·:·:··········.:w;··-~~ .... _., . ._..,,_ _____ ~----·-· . .J ........................................... ____ ] -· ---······=·····,::.:: :_::_:_:_: _ ___::_] . ' W-•.·••,N,•.w•·.•-•-•-W.•.·~w•·=--' I u •.•.• ;,~·- ••.• _·· •.• · ••• ······.'· ••• • ••. ·• .•.•. •• •• _·.· •.. •· .•• ·i !' J Elevation and ground plan for the von Scholten Schools, designed by Albert Lovmand circa 1839 [From: Jens Vibcek, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier, Dansk Vestindien 1755 -1848, voL 2 (Denmark, Fremand, 1966)]. Section 3: The Annaberg School House, circa 1847 - 1861 Situated approximately .7 km west of the Annaberg factory complex, the Annaberg school sits on a low promontory overlooking the mouth of Mary's Creek at N 18° 21.874' X W 064 ° 44.115'. Although the school now lies well within the bounds of the Anna berg estate, the property on which it was constructed (Betty's Hope) did not become a part of that estate until the fourth quarter of the eighteenth century. The Annaberg school was to provide free compulsory education to the children of the enslaved laborers on six estates within the Maha Bay Quarter: Cinnamon Bay, Vaniniberg, Munsbe1y, Annaberg (including Mmy's Point), and Leinster Bay [Johansan, 1988]. Based on a plan by architect Albert Lovmand, the Annaberg school was scaled down and modified to suit St. John's hilly terrain. fu all, seventeen of the Lovmand schools were originally planned: eight on St. Croix; five on St. Thomas; and four on St. John [Vibrek,1966]. The Annaberg school, however, was the only structure constructed on St. John to this general design. While another school was built mid-island on the Beverhoudtsberg plantation two years prior to the Annaberg school, that structure was constructed of wood on a masonry foundation and seems never to have been utilized for its intended purpose. Two other St. John schools were operated at the Moravian mission stations of Bethany and Emmaus, although, as with the Beverhoudtsberg school, the Lovmand design was not utilized. A fifth smaller school was later proposed for St. John's south side on the Par Force plantation in Reef Bay, but it remains uncertain whether it was ever built at that location. fu all cases, Moravian missionaries were to serve as the teachers in the schools [Gardin, 1856; Johansan, 1988; Low, 2001]. Although construction was well underway on the Annaberg school by 184 7, it appears that the building was not fully completed at that time [ Johansan, 1988]. It was not until August 12, 1856, that Brother J. Gardin penned a report to the Moravian Church periodical announcing the opening of the school: "fu St. Jan we have, this year, opened a school at Annaberg, on the north side of the island. The school-house, which is a very fine one, and is in a charming situation, by the sea, was built many years ago, but never used. There are now twenty-five children in attendance. We have also opened a school in the south; but it is very small, numbering only eight children. fu general, the attendance in the schools in St. Jan is good, and the children are mostly connected with our congregation." [Gardin, 1856] Though the future of the Annaberg school seemed promising in the summer of 1856, staffing the rather remote facility soon proved problematic. Sometime prior to October 1861, the school was closed after Mr. A. Knevels was dismissed as schoolmaster on grounds of "gross I I I I I I I I I I I I I ,I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I immorality." From that date, all students from Annaberg were sent to attend school at the Emmaus Mission Station in Coral Bay, and no subsequent teacher was ever engaged to fill Mr. Knevels's position [Gardin, 1856; Johansan, 1988; Low, 2001]. It is generally believed that the Annaberg school was destroyed in the disastrous hurricane and earthquakes that occurred in the fall of 1867. While this might indeed have occurred, no documentation was found to support this conclusion. It may just be that researchers have long presumed that the school was damaged in those events in order to find a logical explanation as to why it was never reopened or utilized for some other purpose at a later date. The truth, however, may not be so simple. On consideration of this issue, it might be suggested that the Annaberg school had simply outlived its usefulness. And, perhaps over time, the local population had come to view the site as a relic of their painful past: a reminder of slavery and the harsh constraints of the plantation system. It must be kept in mind that the purpose behind the establishment of the rural schools was to provide limited education for the children of enslaved workers, in a situation that kept those children on or close to the estates, and, therefore, insulated and under the control of their masters. With emancipation came greater freedom of movement and increased opportunities for open congregation. The dwindling number of workers who remained on St. John's rural estates quickly embraced self-determination, and they naturally turned to places beyond the boundaries of the plantations to fulfill their spiritual, social, and educational needs. The busy Moravian mission stations of Emmaus and Bethany became more than church settlements, they became the very centers of community life on St. John: school, church, shelter, clinic, meeting-house. The movement away from the idea that the plantation was the nucleus of one's existence was simply too strong to resist. As the missions thrived, the Annaberg school retreated into bush; a failed experiment in amelioration; too little, offered much too late. h ugh und uhl di~ 11 0 1 rn .1 rl.ed l •m nf of th i l: nd th I tbe h) lhal d I . I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I .I I I I I I I I I I AN UPDATED SURVEY OF THE ANNABERG SCHOOL NAME OF STRUCTURE Annaberg School LOCATION OF STRUCTURE The Annaberg school is situated approximately .7 km west of the Annaberg factory complex. It sits on a low promontory overlooking the mouth of Mary's Creek at N 18° 21.874' X w 064° 44.115'. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION "Annaberg School has a full basement dug into the hillside but accessible at grade level from the north. The main floor is raised about 2 Y2' above grade on the west side of the building and slightly higher above the grades on the south and east sides. The main entranGe is on the east side and access is by brick masonry steps forming half of a truncated pyramid. Access to secondary entrances towards the south and west are by less expansive brick masonry "open arms" staircases, the name used locally for staircases with flanking masonry walls curving outwards and generally ending in decorated circular newel posts as in the case of the Annaberg School. The interior of the main floor was divided into 4 spaces, a hallway across the central east facing section of the building that provided interior access to the classrooms at each end of the building and an office or smaller classroom west of the hallway. The exterior has an articulated base, quoined comers, a continuous collar and a projecting cornice. On the entrance side, the central bays are accentuated by a slight projection. The roof was hipped. The walls were finished in plaster except for the steps, quoins and cornice which were in exposed yellow brick. "Annaberg School is a ruin in a poor state of preservation. The southwest comer still stands to plate height while the rest of the walls have been preserved in half their original height only. The ruins have been quarried for brick and although sufficient remains of the steps to indicate their character, the quarrying operation has defaced and in part has destroyed them. Nothing but traces remain of the interior partitions. The building measures 30 by 50 feet.. .. "Although in ruins, much of its original architectural character is still evident and it is a good example of official architectural expression of the period, as well as a symbol of the educational reforms that were to have far reaching effects on the social structure of the Virgin Islands" [Gjessing, 1978]. Present condition of the Annaberg school ruin is generally good and stable, although the interpretive display on the sight is badly in need of maintenance and an updating of information. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As per National Register guidelines, the Annaberg school is considered significant under Criterion A, as a physical representation of the attempt to institute compulsory education throughout the Danish West Indies in 1839; Criterion C, for its uniquely Danish colonial architectural expression within the neoclassical style; and Criterion D, for its potential to reveal further information regarding the date of initial construction, the functions of its components, and lives of the people who taught and studied there. Together with other remains throughout the Annaberg Historic District, the Annaberg school is clearly of national significance. It possesses substantial integrity of location, design, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other sites in the district. While the significant loss of structural components decreases integrity, enough remains of the Annaberg school to adequately convey the overall significance of the site. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE Although construction was well underway on the Annaberg school by 184 7, it was not opened for classes until August 12, 1856. Sometime prior to October 1861 staffing problems force the closure of the facility. It was never reopened. Period of significance of the Annaberg school: 184 7 - circa 1861 I I I I I I I I I • I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ti n 4: tt)' llop and h F oilin 11 u 3 - J ~ itu· led me I .~ m w1.: l f lh \nn bcru I .t11111h r 1 and ~/arr\ Po1111 cwt . th~ han 1. dmu h l I"). 11 .1 the b Ull tand · m th I) b I\\ e n th r a ndg th l hi I , 1m1l th un 111l111g F an fr m I ~ I). . -I purp I rn1 l rm luni 11 n. \\hi h " m th1.: f urth 1u na ft hl: ·1glu th 1hn' h u. Im th l b l\\ •en m • n1un u n wHJ1 b ilme I u. • \\t~r n t fully If, ,,,, .... /_'.~_..~/ Detail from Peter L. Oxholm's 1800 map of St. John showing the Betty's Hope and Mary's Point area. (Rigsarkivet, Denmark) The Francis boiling house is easily documented as it appears in the yearly tax rolls for St. John and was later noted in George Francis's probate appraisal [STA, 1873; SJCP, 1875]. The structure also has three cut-coral date plaques imbedded in its walls: two with the date 1874, and one that reads Aug. 1874. 1 The older Betty's Hope plantation complex, which once stood in the same general vicinity, is somewhat harder to document. The Betty's Hope plantation was developed on a tract of land originally deeded to Jacob van Stell in 1723. The property was subsequently merged into a broader holding by Governor Frederik Moth in August of 1726, and out of that parcel the Munsbury (aka: Frederiksdal) and Dewindtsberg plantations were later developed [SJLL, 1728-39; SJA, 1755-1803]. We know that prior to its assimilation into the Annaberg estate, Betty's Hope had been an element of Dewindtsberg [PR, 1805; SJLBP, 1809]. Oxholm's map published in 1800 clearly depicts a site lying in the center of the isthmus between Francis Bay and what is now Mary's Creek, and labels it as number 4. As the Dewindtsberg plantation was noted on the same map as being comprised of numbers 4 and 5, it can be assumed that the site on the isthmus was, at least at one time, 1 A fourth cement plaque with the date 1911 represents a later conversion of the boiling house to a storage building. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1• II II I I I I I I I' associated with that estate (see detail of map on previous page). We also know that this area was considered well within the bounds of Annaberg by the time the Oxholm map was published, and that as late as 1809, when the Betty's Hope property was appraised as a part of Annaberg during James Murphy's probate proceedings, a dwelling house, cook house with oven, a "Negro house," and a works, which included a "windmill timber framed," still stood on the site (see pages 23 - 25) [SJLBP, 1809]. Given the fact that the only other settlement in this vicinity was the Mary's Point plantation (depicted by Oxholm to the northwest of the site in question), it is only logical to conclude that the site on the isthmus must be the former Betty's Hope plantation [SJA, 1778-1806; SJLBP, 1809]. Further supporting these observations are the results of investigations conducted by NPS archaeologist Ken Wild between 1987 and 1989. Wild identified what appeared to be a mid-eighteenth century trash midden containing "ceramics, personal items, tools and fauna! remains," near the shore of Mary's Creek, only a short distance from the Francis boiling house. In his report, Wild concluded that the artifacts recovered from the Mary's Creek site must have been in context with the "Mary's Point Great House," which he noted as "standing approximately 459 meters from the Mary's Creek site" [Wild, Horvath, Potter & Repp, 1991]. Wild's conclusions as to the association of the artifacts with the ruins in the area appear logical, and are, in all likelihood, correct. But the structures that stand on the isthmus between Mary's Creek and Francis Bay are not associated with the Mary 's Point estate, but with Betty's Hope. And, the structure referred to in the report as the "Mary's Point Farmhouse," we now know to be the boiling house constructed by George Francis in 187 4, soon after his purchase of the broader Annaberg property on which it stands. Note: A group of ruins believed to be associated with the Mary's Point plantation was located during the ground surveillance for this report well northwest of the Betty's Hope site -- close to where Oxholm depicted them on his 1780 and 1800 maps (see following section of this report). Conclusion: Betty's Hope must be viewed as an integral element of the Annaberg Historic District. Ever since the assimilation of its lands into the Annaberg plantation in the fourth quarter of the eighteenth century, Betty's Hope has remained a part of that estate. Further, the significance of the Francis boiling house, which stands on the property, could hardly be the la t U!! r . L f) C\ I h 11ng n h au nal R ,....1 ter R c mm mpt ncnl r th th.: . · n the UI himn ~ 1ght. p e.e - n t. J 1hn. th· trn tur 1. le rl_ \ nh_ ull_ r I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I llUJl d n rum I a num r 'id •n Ill I _I [ . I 11111e1 Jn . Ill n I \1th lh ti n - h n P in Plantati n. J _ J - J 4 l !)' . . mt I th n _km n nh f th II inc h und th ruh I\! ma "I) ' n u undctcnmncd un ntary ment f hi ine th l! nttJ...nu J n pp·1r 111 land . '' p Tt)i - kn,,111 n ''fl r n m } ''ell h \ I ( r h l) 11 u1h 111 I the th h m hi \ 't built \\itlun th un the · ·tru tur I rem 111 t l \ ' ".,f 11 • ' Poim rum ·. h fi l. n unmark d m num nt th l pp r l d I from the eighteenth century, is perhaps that of Franz Claasen, who died on the estate in 1780 [SJLPP, 1780]; the second, is a low red brick tomb with a marble slab inscribed, "Sacred to the memory of Hester D. Francis, born April 20, 1826, died September 9, 1864." Hester Dalinda Francis was born enslaved on the Vaniniberg plantation and was the second wife of George Francis [SJR, 1835-60]. She died and was buried at Mary 's Point within a year of her husband's purchase of the property. These previously undocumented features on the Mary's Point property were field surveyed in the fall of 2000 and will be added to the NPS List of Classified Structures database. However to date, they have not been adequately investigated or documented. Another site associated with the Mary 's Point property is situated approximately 50 feet above the shoreline on the northern slopes of Mary's Point. It has been previously reported that this structure was built as a customs house, but no documentation to support this claim was uncovered during the research for this report (see detail from map on page 93, and associated sites section, page 108). Note: The Mmy 's Point site should not be confused with another set of ruins that stand in relative close proximity south-southeast of the Mary 's Point group. Those structures appear to have been rebuilt over earlier buildings -- perhaps the Betty 's Hope residence -- sometime in the first half of the twentieth century. Conclusion: Mmy 's Point must be viewed as an integral element of the Annaberg Historic District. After the assimilation of its lands into the Annaberg plantation in the fourth quarter of the eighteenth century, Mary's Point remained a part of that estate until being sold at auction to George Francis in 1863. Later, Francis reunited Mary's Point with Annaberg (including Betty's Hope) and Leinster Bay by his purchase of those properties in 1871. All of these properties remain closely linked in the minds of St. Johnians to the present day. Recommendations: The history of Mary's Point needs to be thoroughly researched. Once a concise historical background study has been performed, archaeological investigation will be necessary to date and identify the various components of the site. Information on the property should be worked into interpretive material relating to the overall Anna berg Historic Distract, and the ruins should be stabilized and maintained for safe public visitation. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I .I The Annaberg and Leinster Bay Estate House constructed during the ownership of James E. Murphy, 1796 through 1808 (Detail from a sketch by Henry Morton, circa 1844) Section 6: The Annaberg and Leinster Bay Estate House, 1796 - 1916 Located roughly 1.3 km east-northeast of the Annaberg factory complex, the ruins of the Annaberg and Leinster Bay estate house stand on the peak of a 200-foot promontory overlooking the Narrows of Sir Francis Drake's Channel to the north, and Water Lemon Bay to the I south-southwest. The principal remaining features on the site are the ground floor rooms and foundations of the main residence and the lower story walls of an adjoining servants quarters, I I I I which at an undetermined date was converted to a water cistern. The site shows evidence of numerous modifications over the years and most recently served as a boys reformatory during the first half of the twentieth century. One of the many questions that have puzzled researchers of the Annaberg property over the years has been why no estate house was ever identified on the property. The answer to this question lies in the realization that no element within the Annaberg Historic District can be adequately interpreted without a better understanding of its context and relationship to the broader Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation. As has been pointed out in previous sections of this report, when the first settlement was established within the bounds of Annaberg by Isaac Constantin in 1721, a dwelling house was a component of that site [SJLBP, 1809]. And, in later years, when the Zeeger heirs relocated the central processing facility to its present location, two residential structures were erected on the property [MP, 1 793]. But those plantations were modest in scope and proportion to the grand estate developed by James E. Murphy, who clearly saw his property not as a grouping of individual parcels, but as a vast and integrated land holding. In the center of this estate, on a high hill overlooking the Annaberg factory and Water Lemon Bay, Murphy constructed a well-fortified and stately mansion, positioned where the full length and breadth of his property could be observed: from Base Hill in the east, to Mary's Point in the west [SJLBP, 1809; PR, 1805]. The components of Murphy's estate residence were appraised along with the rest of his properties during his probate proceedings in 1809. At that time, they were described as "a Dwelling house on the hill [valued at] 7500 Ps ... a kitchen, out-rooms, horse stable and cisterns all under one roof [valued at] 2000 Ps ... a house with three Negro-rooms [valued at] 300 Ps ... a Necessary [valued at] 150 Ps ... [and] 4 iron canons and nine small brass [valued at] 150 Ps .... " [SJLBP, 1809] The estate house that Murphy built continued to be used as the primary dwelling for the Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantations throughout the remainder of the nineteenth century [SJA, 1797-1900]. During proprietorship of H. H. Berg (1827 through 1863), it also served as the Governor's St. John residence, and at different periods has been utilized as a Masonic Lodge, guest house, and boys' reformatory [Frank, 1920; Low, 2001; SJR, 1835-11; VIC, 1917]. At least one photograph of the interior of the house is known to exist (see photograph on page 97), and in 1844 Reverend Henry Morton sketched two views of Leinster Bay and described the house as "a spacious and admirably arranged Establishment, containing among other things of interest, an extensive and judiciously selected Library" (see illustration on page 95) [Morton, 1975]. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 1: < • r Ulh H. \\ ]l ti n :\nn ughl · .. km me l f h nn pp r 11 • fhr 'e f tht L'T urr p Lh my imp in anc.I Bay pl nLJ 1 n unn 1 th nd in l r B ) [ h. lurph_. und Pag m t r~ , ir a 1 - 1 21 me l. \ l\\ t: nll th ill intJ l un Im Lh he \l urph~ g ' 11 r m~m 111 a 111 ' n all m b_ a th1 k. f th 111111h r{! 11 / L in ra IL nm n I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I gram lab. r ting at p a r d n k ar n pav d terr . '"all d-in and Ul D m r I h uld r d, n. lnrriguin!?l . the d t th ins rib d n hi m nument, lia I d umentati n th 111 np 1 n ]. d um ma1i n h mit) th Lher unal in chi gr u ; h w ver, Jam ' h all died JI3 e thr tr m 1 lik l: an 10 1 r Ba planning f !line.. d tail, n d \ a1 r R mm ndati n : Th m m 11) furth r \and Ii m h ul rp t ti tnl mt rpr ll\. m l nal - Tb fr pair. p gc lurph . nd m r p rti u larl th Iii t ri 1urph . t. nl; n • rL11 m c ry ne inf m1ati n r I in~ l r Iii tori nd m imm dilig ntl met r. / I ' . , .... , . ir u 1 -4 ·ti n h in t r a) lndu trial mp und . ir a I - 1 1tu· te n Lhi.: h re f \,\ l r m n a • I\ I. I km a t f th nnab rn fa t mgulant m de. 1 .. n .rnd fun 11 n. th· an I\ fS I lurph_ cff\I i med hi \ t I und th. t pl. nl ll 11 \\ r lhr r p n , \Ian · Pm111 ' prirnnril. utiliz J a 111111g . f11111b ,,. and B •II\ '. Hot • pre rtle \\ re Im 1 e. lu 1v I lam d m . u ar :rne r r \\hi ·h ti ~ nn bcr~ f t ~ c ' ["\ t:d th emral lurph~ plan .111 n ' k pl m . ti_ 1 r had a re dil a ailal I uppl_ . 0 n tural r 1m r. h ni n th plamati n. m th pr pt.:rt · land mg and ten l d 1 \\a r m n a . ''a the I I ) I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I - I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I stage for a diversity of activities necessary for the development and maintenance of the estate's sophisticated infrastructure, while the deep valley behind it was used for grazing and mixed agriculture (including sugar cane). From James Murphy's 1809 probate inventory, we learn that along with the usual boiling house, horse mill, magass shed, and distillery, the Leinster Bay industrial compound also included "a building 77 feet by 20 feet [with] a mule pen adjoining it of the same length ... , a necessary with pidgin-house ... , a smithy (blacksmith's) shop with tools ... , a lime kiln ... , a frame for a lumber house 100 feet by 28 ... , a boathouse 45 feet by 20 feet..., 5 boats of different sizes ... , a sick house ... , 61 Negro houses ... [and,] a stone wall around the said area, 1,000 feet." The Leinster Bay industrial compound continued to be operated concurrently with the Annaberg factory throughout most of both estates' operational time-span .as sugar producers. However, by 1 859 production at Leinster Bay began to falter, and no sugar appears to have been produced on the estate after 1864 [SJRD, 1845-73]. After the acquisition of Annaberg and Leinster Bay by Antoine Anduze in 1876, the former Leinster Bay industrial compound became the center of the property's ranching operation, and the estate's associated crop lands were almost exclusively converted to pasture. During this period, the deep valley behind Water Lemon Bay became the primary grazing area for Anduze cattle, and the lands associated with Annaberg appear to have been little utilized [ST A, 1875-1899; SJCP, 1875-1899]. Despite a wealth of documentation and the evident significance of this site, no accurate and concise historical background survey has ever been carried out for the Leinster Bay plantation. To date, none of the structures on the estate are listed on the National Register, and Leinster Bay was not included in surveys of historic sites within the Virgin Islands National Park on St. John prepared by Gjessing in 1981/1982, or Brewer & Hammersten in 1988. Statement of significance: As the primary stage for a diversity of pursuits necessary for the development and maintenance of the combined Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantations' sophisticated infrastructure, the Leinster Bay industrial compound is clearly an important element of the broader Annaberg Historic District . To the extent that the Annaberg sugar factory complex epitomizes singularity in design and function, the Leinster Bay industrial compound is a tud_ in i\cr tty. an the \nn up n i pr ' 1d d. lh 1l h uld Ba !..gr und r l tmg l h em 1er und Ii n and a · mdu in I and maim me f r J e pu Ii · '1 uld n 1 h \ c lli ntl I pr n · ti n. t •Id m" i d. \\ i h UI lh ll int inc rpn.::l1\ m n l i lri I and lh rum h uld he I ar d. t h1llz d. Pa 1 I _ I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I h • .uartl 1-l ou 1,111 f ti n h in t r Ba · uard H u , ir a l - ) 4 m t-n rtl hill ab 01111. tand h ru111 f th n. tn.1 ·t1 n l thi uq . l r m 111 un m1m d. f the h u c. he e · .. ·t <.late )f h<l\ b '11 built ·u t fl 'r th' n fth· n ·lu t:dlnb r'r in th riL1 h \ irgm l ir t half r thi.: ninet nU1 ntury We murk ng t th tht. en la n 'tat · rhr ugh ut the n rti niainml! nd mr !ling re th· n fi 11) t ne. ft n • n a dct. inm 111 r c trmnt 1n m ri.: th u ha Pa e I n. th t Hen l 11h. and d and n th r d1 rail b r th . F , • nd in ccd m n l,111.:d by I. w. t tak n th n tur th1.: lnb rcr n cach c tat lht:tr with U1 punishment. On the Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantations, four persons had been dealt with quite harshly in the preceding year. One individual, a woman named Venus, had been sentenced to "100 lashes with a Tamarind whip and a chain to be worn around her neck for the span of two months and to be locked up at noon and night." Her offense was noted as "refractory and rebellious conduct" [SJR, 1835]. It is no surprise that with the emancipation of the enslaved laborers in the British Virgin Islands in 1838, worker resistance and unrest on the nearby plantations of St. John greatly escalated. From Annaberg and Leinster Bay, freedom lay just across The Narrows less than two kilometers away, and the British islands of Tortola, Great Thatch, and Jost van Dyke soon became populated by increasing numbers of runaway St. John slaves [SOFS, 1854; Dookhan, 1975; SJLD, 1828-56]. In a desperate effort to forestall escape and impede subterfuge, a system of watch stations was instituted throughout St. John and western St. Thomas. Two of these posts are known to have been situated in the vicinity of the broader Annaberg Historic District: one on Whistling Cay, a.cross from Mary's Point; and another, at Leinster Bay, overlooking The Narrows and West End, Tortola [SJLD, 1828-43]. These facilities, however, proved to be largely ineffective. As early as the spring of 1842, the Whistling Cay station was standing unmanned, and property owners in the Maho Bay Quarter were asked by the local judge to give their opinion as to why, " ... the guard house at Leinster Bay could not be entirely disposed with" [SJLD, 1842]. Despite a lack of funding, the Leinster Bay guard house was still operational when Reverend .Henry Morton visited St. John aboard the Danish cruiser Mercurius in February of 1844. According to his account, an officer and. sixteen men were stationed at the post, "for the purpose of protecting the property of the Planters from the danger which results from the nearness of the British island of Tortola" (SJLD, 1843; Morton, 1975]. It is unclear at what point the guard house at Leinster Bay ceased operation, but it can be assumed that by 1848, when emancipation was achieved in the Danish West Indies, the facility had largely outlived its usefulness. Conclusion: The Leinster Bay guard house is a highly significant site not only to the broader Annaberg Historic District, but to all of the Virgin Islands as well. It is a bold reminder I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I h· I \at h y th R mm nd ti n : \I m t n '' ithin lhe \nn 1l1t) m 1h . h uld tabt 117 d f r · · rful Ill h l lndic.:: \er I \\ h I I h1 ~ The: rum pub Ii '1 itati n. It b gu an I n ·1m d Ul. ll \\ uld ~m that p rhap th m full} pl r and um nt I th an • t!T un th n th ll tn lut.l d tn 1111 rprc.::ll\ e m L~nal rdutin ' l the.:: r ad r \.nnab •ro Iii tori i tri t. Pag. I - I\ \\I l-1 JI 1\ R IJ I RI IP r ard b" Joh.innc Lrgh houn1 1 h ~ , nnab r 0 an und , cir a I 3 nn b ·rg an gif Ian · re hirt_·-fi, in '"' u~ I I nd p ut ' er t \\ rk r. n th the \\'Ill r • lj f rm r B m · Ho 11 n f h Ldn. t •r Bm Im H m R ar ti I m1::n f lh . ~ t m \ h1 r m m pm · l I. h l<l m-h lding. ein L r el d1 1dc I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I .-i .. IA .. -· ··-·--·-- .... -- - ·:_.I/' ~}i' ~ . t J",t . ,,,,,_ .r~ . / ,,,.,,, t. 1 ,,._ ' c t:.. J d ~· . -1 Plot Maps of the Annaberg and Leinster Bay gift lands, 1863 (St. Thomas Recorder Of Deeds) h lar. ' , nint Vat h ou ituatc ' ithin th· \C th n I 1.: n rtl m m II uil ing a a u t lh t lh lru LUf \\ uill m l1 n 1 . upp n tht r Lru un ·u n th hat "a h mJin~ that th1 ll1J rur r. d a m1tl purp larv ·'"" tmll r fr m lh h. II I int map m ti n:. tut d \\Hhin th b und. f th \ "ir •in I Ian a l, the Brow11B11· pl nt 11 n c Ii r p1 l) cL ri 1i11e. Ith ug.h it nl r m .l I } .irk n ll1 u h. ll l d ' ith tl11.: J hn · n rthe rru tUJi 11t! L 1n ter Bui I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I (I I I I * I I I I I I I I I I plantation for a short time, the Brown Bay estate is clearly worthy of inclusion in the broader Annaberg Historic District. Upon James Murphy's purchase of the Brown Bay property in 1807, 300 acres of additional land came under his control, 80 of these were standing in sugar cane, and 30 were in pasture or provision crops. Also included in the purchase were 103 enslaved laborers (see maps on pages 4 and 12). 4B: Estate Munsbury Located in a landlocked valley on the southern boundary of the Annaberg plantation, the property once known as Munsbury is today a privately owned in-holding within the Maho Bay estate. Purchased by James Murphy and merged into his Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation in 1803, the 170-acre Munsbury estate comprised 136 acres of prime cane land. Together, the adjoining Muns bury and Annaberg properties produced over one-half of the Murphy sugar cane crop, and were worked by no less than 23 7 enslaved laborers. Although the estate was sold by the Murphy heirs in 1810, Munsbury was once an important element of the Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation, and therefore should be included in the broader Annaberg Historic District (see maps on pages 4 and 12). A SUMMARY OF THE ANNABERG HISTORIC DISTRICT NAME The Annaberg Historic District LOCATION The Annaberg Historic District is located within the bounds of the Virgin Islands National Park, on St. John in the United States Virgin Islands. The primary body of the district is composed of what are today three independent geographical units, referred to in the Virgin Islands as 'estates': Estate Annaberg, Estate Mmy 's Point, and Estate Leinster Bay. These estates are bounded by the sea along a roughly 3-mile strip of St. John's North Shore, which extends from the western tip of Mary's Point, to just beyond Threadneedle Point at its eastern limit. The spine of a range of tall coastal peaks roughly defines the southern boundary of the district (see maps on pages 4 and 12). Additionally two neighboring properties, Estate Munsbwy (now a component of Estate Maha Bay) and Estate Brown Bay, are also closely associated with the district. Estates Annaberg, Mary's Point, and Muns bury can be approached by vehicular traffic via a spur of the North Shore Road (Route 20); however at present Leinster Bay and Brown Bay can be accessed only on foot by way of trails that roughly follow historic cart roads that once connected the plantations of the North Shore with the island's primary settlement at Coral Bay. DESCRIPTION Currently nine historically significant sites or properties associated with the Annaberg plantation have been identified within the primary body of the Annaberg Historic District. Four of these lie in the bounds of what is today Estate Annaberg (which includes a portion of the former Dewindtsberg plantation known as Betty 's Hope); four are situated in Estate Leinster Bay; and one is located on Estate Mary's Point (which was an integral element of the Annaberg I I I I I I I I I ·a I I I I I I .I I I • 'I, I I I I I I I I I plantation from 1790 until 1863). It is clear from the documentary record that it would be impossible to properly interpret the historic significance of any one of these sites without a deeper understanding of its relationship to the others. Together, the three neighboring estates, Annaberg, Leinster Bay, and Mary's Point, along with associated properties Munsbury and Brown Bay, make up what must be viewed as a broad and integral historic land district. The core property of the Annaberg Historic District began as a modest 150 (Danish) acre agricultural land grant, formally deeded to a French Huguenot refugee, Isaac Constantin, by the Danish West Indies and Guinea Company on April 27, 1723. This property functioned as an independent sugar plantation until sometime in or about 1779, when the original residential and industrial complex on the parcel was abandoned and a new compound was constructed on the far western boundary of the property. This relocation was carried out in an effort to expand, upgrade, and centralize the administrative and industrial heart of the plantation, after the acquisition of additional lands that formerly belonged to the neighboring Betty's Hope (aka: Dewindtsberg) plantation. It was at this time that the newly built facility, along with its expanded field system, was christened Annaberg . Sometime in or about 1790, the lands associated with Annaberg were once agam expanded by the purchase of the Mmy 's Point plantation, which lay on a peninsula north of Betty's Hope. With the assimilation of the grounds previously belonging to Betty's Hope and Mary's Point, Annaberg had developed into a substantial 465-acre sugar and livestock plantation, worked by some seventy enslaved laborers. But, the property was to experience one last period of transformation before it would reach the apex of its development. The already merged Annaberg and Mary's Point estates, along with a portion of the former Betty's Hope plantation that joined the two parcels, were purchased by a wealthy merchant and slave trader, James E. Murphy, in 1796. In the year prior to taking over Annaberg, Murphy had also acquired the neighboring Smith Bay plantation, which he renamed Leinster Bay. Immediately following these acquisitions, construction began on a state-of-the-art sugarworks and a tower windmill on the Annaberg property, and a grand estate house, befitting Mr. Murphy's wealth and prominence, on a ridge-top above Water Lemon Bay. Soon after the tum of the nineteenth century, with the estate house on the Leinster Bay property completed, and the new sugarworks and windmill on Annaberg in full operation, James Murphy again set out to expand his land holdings. In 1803 he acquired the Munsbury (aka: Frederiksberg & Frederiksdahl) plantation that lay on Annaberg 's southern boundary, and in 1807 he purchased the Brown 's Bay estate east of Leinster Bay. On November 17, 1808, at the age of 51 years, James E. Murphy died on St. John and was buried on a prominent hilltop near his estate house overlooking his vast domain. At the time of his death, Murphy's Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation comprised six formerly independent properties (which themselves were made up of no less than eleven early period land grants) with a total land area of nearly 1,300 acres: the largest sugar-producing plantation in the history of St. John. Upon Murphy's death, his land holdings were appraised separately and either sold off to service the accounts of his creditors, or apportioned out among his heirs. The Leinster Bay plantation was given over to Murphy's son, Edward C. Murphy, and Annaberg, along with Mary 's Point and Betty's Hope, became the property of his daughter, Mary Murphy Sheen. Although accounted for separately for tax and administrative purposes, Annaberg (including Betty's Hope and Mary's Point) and Leinster Bay remained under common Murphy family ownership until 1863. Throughout that period the estate house at Leinster Bay continued to serve as the residential and administrative center for both plantations. Despite the partitioning off and sale of the Mary 's Point parcel in 1863, Annaberg and Leinster Bay remained linked through common ownership until after the tum of the twentieth century. STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE The properties and sites that comprise the Annaberg Historic District represent the full scope of the Danish colonial experience on St. John, from its earliest settlement and establishment of sugar plantations, to the post-plantation period of subsistence farming, livestock rearing, and cottage industries. However, it is the process of property consolidation, which took place throughout the Danish West Indies at the height of the sugar boom in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, that is most boldly demonstrated by the broader historic district. With the gradual abandonment of the small early-period settlements that lay within the bounds of the newly unified land holdings, the agricultural sector of the Danish colonial economy was I I I 1· I I I I I ~I I I I I I I I I ~ • ·1, 'I' I I I I I I I I transformed from a system that relied primarily on the output of struggling low-yield plantations, to one firmly rooted in the large-scale production of vast and diversified agro-industrial estates. Merged and developed into the largest sugar-producing property in the history of St. John, the parcels that make up the broader Annaberg Historic District serve as a bold reminder of the vast fortunes that were attained by an elite few, at the cost of incomprehensible human suffering at the very pinnacle of the sugar trade at the tum of the nineteenth century. But beyond that, the association of the property with an owner who was a known slave trader, coupled with the fact that the Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantation also held the highest number of enslaved laborers of any property on the island, clearly underscores the national, and international, significance of the district. As per National Register guidelines, all of the properties within the Annaberg Historic District are considered significant under Criterion A, for their association with the history of colonial-era sugar cane cultivation and processing, and the post-sugar-production period of subsistence farming, livestock rearing, and cottage industries; Criterion C, for the distinctive elements in the design, physical context, and construction methods of its contributing sites; and Criterion D, for the potential to reveal further information regarding industrial, agricultural, and residential land use within the district, and the lives of both free and enslaved individuals who lived there. The Annaberg Historic District possesses substantial integrity of location, setting, and association, as well as occupying its original position and relationship to the other plantation properties throughout the island. While the loss of physical components, cultural landscape, and equipment decreases overall integrity, enough remains to adequately convey the overall significance of the area. Some of the identified contributing sites within the broader Annaberg Historic District include: • Colonial-period industrial complexes • Villages of enslaved laborers • Plantation residences • Remnants of field systems and agricultural land use, including wells, fieldstone walls, terracing, etc. • Vestiges of plantation infrastructure, such as cart roads, bridges, and guttering systems • Post-emancipation homesteads • Evidence of vernacular trades such as charcoal making, boat building, and lime burning • Cemeteries and burial sites While some of the sites within the Annaberg Historic District are generally well preserved and stable, many are in immediate need of mitigation efforts to forestall further deterioration. Note: It must be added that the secluded and largely unmonitored bays and coastal areas of the Annaberg Historic District are presently being utilized as drop-off points for the smuggling of illegal aliens in what is surely unprecedented numbers. In every comer of the district discarded clothes, bedding, and luggage are found strewn across the landscape. Further, over the course of the ground survey phase of this project, a number of sites that in recent times have been the scene of small plot cultivation were encountered, and on one occasion members of the survey team were fired upon in the area of Leinster Bay. PERIOD OF SIGNIFICANCE As is the case with the Annaberg factory complex, it is apparent that the historic context of the Annaberg Historic District must be broadly interpreted, leaving ample latitude for cultural inclusiveness and a diversity of historical perspectives. It is therefore recommended that the "period of significance" of the site not be limited to a single specific date range, but be viewed from an administrative and interpretive standpoint as multiple and ongoing. I ·1 I , I I I I I I I I I I .I I I I I I I I I :1 'I I I I •• ' ~1· I I I I I I ,, I FINDING BALANCE; SLAVERY AND RESISTANCE AT ANNABERG The issues surrounding slavery and slave resistance on Annaberg are highly complex, and it would require a comprehensive report to adequately address them. There are, however, a few individual points that can be briefly touched upon in an effort to interject a degree of balance into the issues as they specifically pertain to the present study. Much has been written in recent years about 'resistance' in its many forms. Currently, scholars generally break down acts of resistance into two categories: passive resistance and active resistance. Passive resistance constitutes such actions as working slowly, pretending ignorance, feigning sickness, carelessness with estate property and equipment, running away, or suicide; while active resistance is displayed in such ways as theft, the damaging of estate equipment, crops, or livestock, the maiming or murdering of other slaves, organized revolt, and . the murdering of persons in authority, such as owners or overseers [Greenwood & Hamber, 1980]. Many examples of resistance can be documented to have occurred on Annaberg, not just in the years of slavery, but in the post-emancipation period of contract labor as well. To fully comprehend the intricacies of the causes and effects of these acts requires a detailed approach taking into account contributing conditions and specific circumstances, such as setting, political climate, social issues, and cultural perspectives relating to the specific time frame associated with the incident. For example, life for an enslaved laborer under the inhumane slave codes in place during the early years of St. John's settlement was far more harsh and restrictive than it was during the ameliorative period around the tum of the nineteenth century. Therefore, to fully grasp the issues relating to an act such as the insurrection that took place on the island in 1733, one would have to deeply explore the roots of that event in its proper setting and context within the framework of the period. The dynamics that drove individuals to carry out acts of active resistance on that occasion were vastly different than those that led to the emancipation uprising in 1848, or the labor riots of 1878 -- though all three can be broadly categorized as overt acts of resistance in response to imposed servitude. Further, as in all human circumstances, displays of passion inevitably enter into the equation. Murder or assault as a means of personal revenge are not crimes limited to free society, therefore not all damaging or violent behavior that occurred among persons in servitude throughout the pre and post-emancipation periods can be viewed simply as manifestations of resistance. And finally, it should be stressed that the unfree were no less individuals than were members of free society, and two persons never react to a situation in the same way -- no matter how similar their circumstances. How persons in bondage responded or adapted to the harsh constraints of daily existence was perhaps the only decision left solely to their discretion. As displayed by the following three accounts, while some individuals responded to their circumstances by choosing the road of active resistance, most chose a more passive path, and still others sought to better their situations through cooperation. All of the accounts presented here occurred within the general context of the period just prior to, and immediately following, emancipation in the Danish West Indies in 1848 (further reference to this period can be found in Section 9, pages 103-105 of this report). The Case of Joe Popp In the early morning hours of November 5, 1839, Joe Popp somehow managed to free himself from the heavy iron shackles that bound his wrists and escape from the detention cell on the Annaberg plantation. After quietly making his way to Water Lemon Bay, Popp swam out to the estate's boat, a sloop named the Kitty Berg, and fled to the nearby British island of Tortola. Only after his escape did witnesses begin to come forward and provide details of the crime that Joe Popp had long been suspected of committing two years before [SJPP, 1839]. Early in the year 1837, John Edwards had taken over the duties of overseer on the Annaberg plantation. Upon setting up household on the estate, Edwards and his wife chose two slaves to serve as their house servants. A young girl, Maria Rosina, was taken on as 'house girl', and a young man, Joe Popp, was given the position of 'house boy' [SJPR, 1837]. From the start there was trouble in the Edwards's household. On numerous occasions Joe Popp was caught stealing food and other items, and for each offense overseer Edwards dealt out harsher and harsher punishments. Soon Joe Popp began to speak openly among his fellow slaves, saying that someday he was going to take either "himself, or Edwards, out of the way." Popp was also heard to threaten others "that if either white or colored plagued him too much, he had something to give them that they would not be able to be rid of." For a time Joe Popp simmered, I .1 I I I I I I I I I I I I .I I I I I 'I '.I, ,I I :1 'I: '-·'J I I ,-1 I ,, I I I I ,I I I 'I but his emotions soon overflowed. After Pop was absent from the estate without permission for a whole day, Edwards publicly flogged him with an oxtail whip on the following morning. For Joe Popp this was the final insult; he swore aloud that it would be the last beating he would ever take from Edwards [SJPR, 1837]. As was the daily routine, a few days later Mrs. Edwards instructed Joe Popp to fetch Mr. Edwards's medicine and prepare him his morning tea. After handing Joe the key to the cupboard where the medicine was stored, she instructed the girl Maria Rosina to accompany Popp to make sure he didn't remove anything else from the shelf. Alongside the medicine in the cupboard was kept a bottle of arsenic used for poisoning rats on the estate, and it was a portion of the contents of that bottle, not the medicine, that Joe Popp added to Mr. Edwards' tea. Maria Rosina, too afraid to speak, later testified that she watched as Joe Popp served the overseer the poisoned mixture. Around 2 o'clock that afternoon, Edwards came in from the fields and lay down in his bed complaining of a fever. He never rose again [SJPR, 183 7]. At the time of the incident, there was only circumstantial evidence that pointed to Joe Popp as the perpetrator of the crime. However, it later came out in hearings after his escape that it was common knowledge among the slaves on the plantation that Joe Popp had poisoned Edwards with a cup of tea. Laborers on neighboring estates were also well aware of the incident, as the story had been passed from property to property by way of a song that the field gang would sing as they worked. According to one deponent, who spoke out at a hearing to extradite Joe Popp from Tortola in the fall of 1839, a slave named Ludvig from the Munsbury plantation had made up the words to the song, which were entered into the court record: The lady tells him to take his thing and go to Tortola land. Mr. Edwards say no: we stay for two three week more. The lady lays in the window and cries out for her dear John; Mr. Edwards! didn't I tell you so? You wouldn't take care of Jonis Garg, Jonis Garg carried you to livis land. Little Maria has confessed on the bad woman and said, Manger! You wouldn't hear. The cup of tea sent him to livis land. [SJPR, 1837] It was also revealed during Popp' s extradition hearings that the Annaberg gang had been heard singing a similar song while the overseer who replaced Edwards, Thomas Hyland, Jay dying of an undetermined illness on Christmas Eve later in the same year [SJPR, 1837]. In the end, efforts to bring Joe Popp to justice proved futile. After making his escape to Tortola in November 1839, Popp quickly left that island and found his way to Trinidad. According to witnesses, he was last seen on St. Thomas in 1853 when a steamship he was engaged on as crew stopped over at that port [SOFS, 1854]. The Mass Desertion of 1840 On the night of May 24, 1840, estates Annaberg and Leinster Bay were the scene of the largest mass desertion of enslaved laborers on St. John since the outbreak of the 1733 slave rebellion more than a century before. In all, eight men (Charles Bryan, James Jacob, Adam [alias Cato], Big David, Henry Law, Paulus, John Curay), and three women (Kitty, Polly, and Katurah) were involved. The group made their escape by stealing the estates' boat, the Kitty Berg, and rowing the vessel to nearby Tortola under the cover of darkness. Ten of the individuals were from Leinster Bay, while only one was from Annaberg [SJPR, 1840; SOFS, 1854). According to police reports of the incident, the runaways had carefully planned their escape. One of their number, Big David, was the watchman at the Leinster Bay plantation on the night of the desertions; another, Charles Bryan, was a carpenter, and it was believed that he had secretly fashioned oars and hidden them for the occasion. In preparation for leaving, members of the group had also sold their "pigs and small animals on St. Thomas." Their houses were found empty of belongings after their departure [SJPR, 1840). The incident was first reported to authorities at IO o'clock on Sunday morning, May 25. Upon notification of the escape, Police Master Brahde immediately made his way from his home in Coral Bay to Annaberg, where he found the estate overseer, Mr. Davis, in a state of great consternation. Davis, who expressed complete bewilderment over the incident, claimed that he "knew no reason for the Negroes' desertion," and explained that upon his evening inspection at 8 I I I I, I I I I l 1 I I I I I I I I I I ·I I I I I I I (I I I I I I I I I ,f 'I o'clock he had found "everything as it should be" on both the Annaberg and Leinster Bay · plantations [SJPR, 1840]. After inquiries on the estates proved largely uninformative, Brahde concluded that, beyond determining that the group had fled to Tortola, no further pertinent details of the case would be forthcoming. In an effort to resolve the matter as quickly as possible, he decided that his first course of action should be to immediately send the local Moravian missionary, Brother Schmitz, to Tortola to plead with the deserters to return home. After sending word to Schmitz to prepare for the journey, Brahde hastily set out for St. Thomas to secure the governor's formal pardon for the runaways in the event they consented to come back to St. John [SJPR, 1840). Late Sunday night Brahde returned to St. John with assurance that none of the group would be prosecuted, and early the next morning Brother Schmitz set out in a hired boat for Tortola to negotiate. Upon his arrival in the British colony the missionary went directly to the local magistrate, Mr. Lewis, who called a gathering of the runaways at his home to discuss the issue. According to Schmitz, the house was soon crowded with not only the refugees from St. John, but also a number of local "free farmers" who had come to voice their support for the group. Once assembled the deserters expressed in no uncertain terms that they were "the utmost embittered" towards overseers Davis and Wallace, and that none of them would return as long as either of those men remained on the estates. The most vocal of the group, Charles Bryan, cited the cause for their dislike of those individuals was that they could never "work enough" to please them, and "for each trivial matter were locked up or punished." To each account offered as to how they had suffered at the hands of the overseers, the free Tortola people in the crowd responded with hearty cries of "Hear! Hear!" [SJPR, 1840). Convinced of the groups' resolve, Brother Schmitz returned to the Emmaus Mission Station on St. John where he penned a report to Police Master Brahde. In his report, Schmitz stated that he had been well treated by the people on Tortola, but held out little hope that any of the refugees would ever return [SJPR, 1840]. In fact, some of the group did return, but not until well after overseers Davis and Wallace had left the estates. During a hearing held in connection with claims for compensation due to the former owners of emancipated slaves on January 16, 1854, Charles Bryan recounted what had become of each of the eleven members of the group. In his testimony Bryan stated that he, along with his wife Katurah and James Jacobs, had all returned to work at Leinster Bay and were currently residing there. Of the others, Kitty, Paulus, David, and Adam had been recently seen on St. Thomas, while Henry Law, Petrus, and Polly -- who on at least one occasion had visited her family at Leinster Bay -- were still living on Tortola. As for John Curry, he had left Tortola bound for Trinidad soon after the meeting with Brother Schmitz in 1840. Bryan added that as recently as two years ago he had heard from a Tortola boat captain that Curry was "still on Trinidad and was well" [SOFS, 1854]. No record was found of any punitive actions ever having been taken against any member of the group. The George Francis Story George Francis was born enslaved on the Annaberg plantation. His name appears in the earliest recorded census for the property compiled in 1835, in which he was recorded as a thirteen-year old field laborer, baptized in the Moravian church on June 21 , 1822 [SJR, 1835]. Already a widower by age nineteen, George Francis worked diligently to gain the respect of his fellow workers, as well as his influential master, Hans H. Berg. By the time the 1846 census was compiled, Francis was among the most trusted of the estates' laborers, and by 1850 he had gained the position of 'driver' (the leader of the work-gangs). Sometime in or about 1845, George Francis married Hester Dalinda, a young woman who had been born enslaved on the neighboring Munsbury plantation where she had lived all of her life. Secure in his new position as driver, Francis felt confident that a request to allow his wife to leave Muns bury and join him at Annaberg would not be refused. And indeed, a short time later Hester and her children, Peggy and Johannes, were all reported to be living at Annaberg [SJR, 1846, 1850, & 1855; SJLUC, 1850]. Over the course of the succeeding decades, George Francis found opportunities that in his youth must have seemed wholly unimaginable. In the 1860 census for Annaberg, Francis's position was listed as estate 'overseer,' and two years later he received clear and outright title to a 2-acre parcel of land on Mary 's Point by the will of his former owner, Hans H. Berg. But George Francis's ambitions did not stop there; through hard work and frugality he managed to save --------------------------------------··-- -··-· I I I I I I I I I! I ,. I I I I . I. . I I. I I ,,, ,, I ,, :1 II 1· I 11 I I I I .I I II I,, I enough money for a down payment on the remainder of the Mmy 's Point property when it was auctioned off during the Berg probate reconciliation [STEP, 1862]. George Frances's wife, Hester, died only a short time after their purchase of the Mary's Point estate. The couple's possessions, itemized in Hester's probate inventory compiled on September 29, 1864, display the relative wealth the Francis family had attained by that date: 18 Head of Cattle 40 Sheep 3 Asses 2 Horses 1 Decked Boat 'The Ester of St. John' 1 Row Boat 2 Bedsteads with Bedding 2 Tables 1 Press 18 Chairs l doz. Plates, Knives, Forks, Spoons and Glasses [SJCP, 1864] A year after Hester's death George Francis married for a third time to Lucy Ann Blydon. Together the couple lived on and worked the Mary's Point property, and in the 1870 census f9r the estate Francis had the gratification of listing his profession as "Planter." In 1871 George Frances encountered what was perhaps his greatest opportunity. After the buildings and crops on the Annaberg and Leinster Bay plantations were destroyed in the devastating back-to-back hurricane and earthquakes of 1867, the owner of the estates, Thomas Loyd, fell behind on his mortgage payments and could not afford to rebuild the properties. After enduring years of pressure from his creditors, Loyd finally decided to quit the colony to evade his obligations. Upon his departure, Thomas Loyd handed over title to both Annaberg and Leinster Bay to his former property manager, George Francis, for the sum of $100. George Frances died on St. John in 1875. He was the last individual to hold title to the combined Annaberg, Leinster Bay, and Mmy's Point estates. At the time of his death, Francis had recently completed the construction of a new b?iling house and horse mill, and was endeavoring to reintroduce sugar cane cultivation on his properties. The remains of the Francis sugarworks, which stand on the isthmus between Mary's Creek and Francis Bay, represent the last sugar factory ever erected on St. John. *** While numerous acts of resistance did occur on Annaberg, examples of cooperation can also be cited throughout the colonial period. Although the settlement was burned and the laborers' houses were destroyed, the fact that only one slave appears to have deserted from the Constantin plantation during the 1733 revolt certainly suggests a degree of cooperation on the part of the workers in that period. In later years, the nearly equal birth and death rates among the enslaved laborers evidenced between 1803 and emancipation in 1848, and the relatively low incidence of escape or the use of corporal punishment in the years leading up to emancipation, may be indications that the conditions under which the laborers lived and worked were less than intolerable -- perhaps due in part to the somewhat paternal attitude displayed by the estate owner H. H. Berg during the period of his proprietorship. But the seemingly moderate situation on Annaberg in the years following the tum of the nineteenth century may simply reflect ameliorative efforts being instituted throughout the West Indies during that period. The forces that drove this process, however, were often more firmly rooted in economic self-preservation on the part of the slave owners than in humanitarian precept. Primarily adopted to counteract the negative impact the suppression of the transatlantic slave trade was having on the West Indies colonies, amelioration was designed to achieve sustainable positive population growth amongst the enslaved laborers, thereby making the constant importation of new Africans unnecessary. Efforts on the part of the Annaberg estate owners or managers to provide better living conditions for their workers should in no way be construed solely as an indication of benevolence. Under all circumstances life in bondage was a cruel and demoralizing existence. No degree of liberality, short of unconditional manumission, could have lessened the effects of slavery on the human condition. I I I I I I 1· I I I I I I 11 -- • I I, I, I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ln 1.h nd. 1t w ul m Lh c n ra :>.11 r 1 tan e r Ul P pp f und h1 ullim t ly a hi will- ltb ugh th 11) di' rgent. I arl_ th n. h ,,. an indi,,i matt r f h n L. J hn p h m t r. arl I I rea ti n la n w th l manci an n had fimng p th ftn I ' ar n . lnnuh ro n July ~. int hi j umal. r d I \\ nh L1l Le. f \! h t the human l th n a hie\ cl rand a r \ f\'\\he grea and the ti Im_ t \ ·ard h 1r I t Pro\ · i o or und ( llh graph b) r .... \\. 19 :1 nth rd r f lh .\nnab • nd lun UI) plantation t ja P al.:. ir a I . B.e ntz n. publt h d m I :6 [ba ed nan e rh ·r 11 pam1ing b_ fril7 ldb ..:] g I_ I I :1 I ,I :I I ,, I I ,, I I I I I I I ''I BIBLIOGRAPHY (alphabetical bys urname) Anonymous, Letters To A Young Planter; Or, Observations On The Management Of A Sugar Plantation [written on the island of Grenada] (London, J. Strachan, 1785). Charles W. Baird, History Of The Huguenot Emigration To America, Vol. I & II (New York, Dodd, Mead & Company, 1885). F. W. N. Bayley, Four years Residence In The West Indies (London, William Kidd, 1830). Betsy Bradley and Elizabeth Rezende, Captured In Time: 1919 (St. Croix, VI, Island Perspectives, 1987). Israel Bowman, Hints To Young Barbados-Planters (Barbados, Israel Bowman, 1857). 1.0. Bro-fargensen, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier, Dansk Vestindien Indtil 1755, vol.l (Fremand, Denmark, 1966). N. P. Burgh, A Treatise On Sugar Machinery (London, E. & F. N. Spon, 1863). Noel Deerr, The History Q(Sugar (London, Chapman & Hall Ltd., 1949). Denis Diderot, L 'Encyclopedie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonne des Sciences, des Arts et des Metiers (New York, Dover Publications, Inc., 1959 [First published in 1752]). Isaac Dookhan, A History of the British Virgin Islands (Essex, Caribbean University Press, 1975). Isaac Dookhan, A History of the Virgin Islands of the United States (Jamaica, Canoe Press, 1994). J. W. Evens, The Sugar-Planter's Manual, Being A Treatise On The Art Of Obtaining Sugar From the Sugar-Cane (Philadelphia, Lee & Blanchard, 1848). Harry A. Frank, Roaming Through The West Indies (New York, Blue Ribbon Books, 1920). J. H. Galloway, The sugar cane industry: An historical geography from its origins to 1914 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989). R. Greenwood and S. Bamber, Emancipation to Emigration (London, Macmillan Education Ltd., 1980). Charles E. Hatch Jr., Virgin Islands National Park. St. John Island ["The Quiet Place"} (Washington, DC, National Park Service, 1972). Arnold R. Highfield, St. Croix 1493, An Encounter Of Two Worlds (St. Thomas, USVI, Virgin Islands Humanities Council, 1995). Arnold R. Highfield, Emancipation in the U S. Virgin Islands, 150 Years of Freedom (St. Thomas, USVI, Virgin Islands Humanities Council, 1999). Birgit Julie Fryd Johansen, Slave Schools In The Danish West Indies, 1839 - 1853 (Denmark, University of Copenhagen Historical Institute, 1988). David W. Knight, A Brief history of the Cinnamon Bay Estate on St. John in the Danish West Indies, 1718 - 1917 (St. Thomas, USVI, Little Nordside Press, 1999). David W. Knight, Into the Light,· The Enigmatic History of Water Island in the Danish West Indies, 1672 - 1917 (St. Thomas, USVI, Little Nordside Press, 2000). David W. Knight, The Story of Estate Lindholm, 1718 - 1917 (St. Thomas, USVI, Little Nordside Press, 1999). John P. Knox, A Historical Account of St. Thomas in the Danish West Indies (New York, Charles Scribner, 1852). Kay Larsen, Guvernorer Residenter, Kommandanter og Chefer (Copenhagen, Denmark, Arthur Jensen Forlag, 1940). Lief Calundann Larsen, The Danish Colonization of St. John, 1718-1733 (St. Thomas, The Virgin Islands Resource.Management Cooperative, 1986). Florence Lewisohn, Diverse Information on The Romantic History of St. Croix From the Time of Columbus until Today (Virgin Islands, St. Croix Landmarks Society, 1964). Richard Ligon, A True & Exact History Of the Island of Barbadoes (London, Frank Cass Publishers, 1970 [First printed London, 1657]). Steffen Linvald, Sukker og Rom (Copenhagen, Foreningen Dansk Vestindien, 1967). Ruth Hull Low & Rafael Valls, St. John Backtime, Eyewitness Accounts from 1718 to 1956 (St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands, Eden Hill Press, 1985). Ruth Hull Low, St. John Voices, 1717 .- 1975 (Chillmark, Massachusetts, Eden Hill Press, to be published in 2002). I I I I • I I I I I I I I I •I I I I I 1: I I I . I I I I I I I I . I :1 Christian Martfeldt, Samlinger om de Danske Vestindiske Ger St. Croix, St. Thomas, St. Jan, Vol. III. (Denmark, Manuscript in the Rigsarkivet, circa 1765). Ruth Moolenaar, Profiles Of Outstanding Virgin Islanders (Virgin Islands, Department of Education, 1992). S. E. Morison, The Second Voyage of Christopher Columbus, From Cadiz To Hispaniola And The Discovery of the Lesser Antilles (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1939). Henry Morton, Danish West Indian Sketch Book and Diary, 1843 - 1844 (Copenhagen, Dansk Vestindisk Selskab & St. Croix Landmark Society, 1975). Colonel Charles Theodor Overman, The Henrietta Estate (Hacienda Enriqueta) and The Overman and Lind Who Owned It from 1827 to 1882 (British Columbia, Canada, Col. C. T. Overman, 1974) . Arthur P. Newton, The European Nations in the West Indies, 1493 - 1688 (London, A & C Black Ltd., 1933). John P. Nissen, Reminisences Of A 46 Years' Residence In The Island Of St. Thomas, In The West Indies (Nazareth, PA, Senseman & Co., 1838). Peter Lotharius Oxholm, De Dansk Vestindiske Oers Tilstand I Hanseende til Population, Culture og Finance ... (Kobenhaven, Johan Frederik Schultz, 1797). Pierre J. Pannet (Translated and Edited by Aimery Caron and Arnold R. Highfield), Report on the Execrable Conspiracy Carried Out by the Amina Negroes on the Danish Island of St. Jan in America 1733 (U.S. Virgin Islands, Antilles Press, 1984). Richard Pares, A West-India Fortune (London, Longmans, Green and Co., 1950). George Richardson Porter, F. R. S., The Nature And Properties Of Sugar Cane (London, Smith, Elder and Co., 1843) · Alan H. Robinson, Virgin Islands National Park, The St01y Behind The Scene1y (Las Vegas, Nevada, KC Publications, 1974). Irving Rouse, The Tainos, Rise and Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbus (New Haven & London, Yale University Press, 1992). Jan Rogozifiski,A Brief History Of The Caribbean (New York & Oxford, Facts On File, 1992). Hugo Ryberg, A List of Names of Inhabitants of the Danish West Indies from 1650 - ca, 1825 (Copenhagen, Published by Compiler, 1945) . I ---~--- Robert Louis Stein, The French Sugar Business in the Eighteenth Century, (Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1988). Jens Vibrek, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier, Dansk Vestindien 1755 - 1848 , vol. 2 (Denmark, Fremand, 1966). David Watts, The West Indies, Pattern of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (United Kingdom, Cambridge University Press, 1987). Waldemar Westergaard, The Danish West Indies Under Company Rule (New York, The Macmillen Company, 1917). Ken Wild, Elizabeth A. Horvath, Douglas T. Potter, Andrea C. Repp, 1987-89 Archaeological Investigations Conducted Along The North Shore Road, St. John, US. Virgin Islands (Tallahassee, Florida, National Park Service Southeast Archaeological Center, 1991). Samuel M. Wilson, "The Caribbean Before European Conquest, A Chronology", Fatima Bercht, Estrellita Brodsky, John Alan Farmer, and Dicey Taylor (Editors), Taina, Pre-Columbian Art and Culturefrom the Caribbean, (New York, El Museo del Barrio & The Monacelli Press, 1997). PERIODICALS· (alphabetical by publication) Henry B. Hoff, F.A.S.G. and The Rev. F. Kenneth Barta, "De Windt Families of the West Indies, Descendants of Lieven De Windt of St. Thomas," The Genealogist, Vol. 10, #2 [Utah, Association for the Promotion of Scholarship in Genealogy, Ltd., 1998]). Brother J. Gardin, Account 22, August 12, 1856, Periodical Accounts Relating To The Missions Of The Church Of The United Brethren, Established Among the Heathen, [London, Walter m 'Dowall, 1856]. Don Near, " 100 Years at Annaberg Plantation," St. John Times, November 2000 [St, John, June Bell Barias, Editor and Publisher, 2000]. ---------------------------------------· I I I I ·-• I I I I I I I I I -I I I I 1: I 1· 'I I, I I I ,, I • I . I I I I· I I I I I PRIMARY SOURCES (alphabetical by abbreviation) [DYS] Danish Chancery, East and West Indies Records, 1688 - 1799 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [LD] West Indies and Guinea Company Archives, Letters and Documents, 1674 - 1754 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [MP] Record Group 55, St. John Mortgage-protocols 1766 - 1821 (U. S. National Archives II, College Park, Maryland). [MR] Record Group 55, St. Thomas - St. John Mortgage Registers, 1776 - 1806 (U.S. National Archives II, College Park, Maryland). [PR] West Indies Local Archives, Plantation Reports, 1797 - 1805 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJA] Central Management Archives, West Indies Audit Registers for St. John, 1755 - 1915 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SCR] Records of the Royal West Indian Superior Court, Deed and Encumbrance-books, 1807-1826 (Office of the Recorder of Deeds, St. Croix, Virgin Islands) . [SJCP] Record Group 55, Case Papers Before the St. John Probate Court, (U. S. National Archives II, College Park, Maryland) . [SJLD] West Inqies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Diverse Correspondence, 1828 - 1856 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLL] West Indies and Guinea Company Archives, St. John Land Lists, 1728 - 1733 & 1736-1739 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLM] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Mortgage Protocols, 1767 - 1791, (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLBP] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Bailiffs' Protocols, 1789 - 1913 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLP] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Probate Sessions Protocol, 1758 - 1775 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLPD] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Probate-documents, 1778 - 1859 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLPL] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Probate-letters, 1783 - 1806 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLPP] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Probate-protocols, 1741 - 1823 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLRA] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Probate Registrations and Appraisements, 1797 - 1807 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLRAP] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Probate Registrations and Appraisement Protocols, 1835 - 1882 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLRTP] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Registrations, Appraisements, Sessions and Testament Protocols, 1807 - 1826 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLS] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Land-matters, 1811 - 1845 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJLUC] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Unarranged Correspondence, 1851 - 1875 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJP J] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Police Journals, 1829 - 1892 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJPP] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Police Protocols, 1832 - 1878 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJR] Central Management Archives, Registers for St. John, 1835 - 1911 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SJRD] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Register of Duties, 1845 - 1873 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [SOFS] Record Group 55, Slave Owners and Former Slaves, 1854 (U. S. National Archives II, College Park, Maryland). [STBEP] West Indies Local Archive, St. Thomas Byfoged, Executor Probates, 1778 - 1868 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [STBP] West Indies Local Archive, St. Thomas Byfoged, Probate Protocol for Planters, 1728 - 1 736, Ltr. G (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [STBPP] West Indies Local Archive, St. Thomas Byfoged, Probate Sessions Protocols, 1817 - 1893 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). I I I I i I I I I I I I I 11 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I •• I I I I I I I· [STEP]West Indies Local Archive, St. Thomas Byfoged, Executors' Probates, 1778 - 1868 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [STLA] CO 259, piece 4, St. Thomas Loan Accounts, 1808 - 1810 (Public Records Office, Kew, United Kingdom). [SILL] West India and Guinea Company, St. Thomas Land Lists, (1686) 1688-1754 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [STM] St. Thomas I St. John Mortgage & Deed Registers, NA (Office of the Recorder of Deeds, St. Thomas, Virgin Islands). [STMC] Central Management Archives, West Indies Journals, Health-services, 1817 - 1916 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [STPP] West Indies Local Archive, St. Thomas Byfoged, Police Journal, 1853 - 1855 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [STTRB] West Indies and Guinea Company Archives, St. Thomas Report Books (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). [VIC] Department of Commerce, Record Group 29, Records of the Bureau of Census 1920, Virgin Islands [compiled in 1917] (U.S. National Archives, Washington, DC). I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ,, I I I I I A SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ARTICLES, REPORTS, AND PUBLISHED SOURCES WITH REFERENCES TO ESTATE ANNABERG Studies and Reports Mark Barnes, National Historic Landmark Nomination for Annaberg Plantation and School (Washington DC, United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Unpublished Preliminary Draft, 2001). David M. Brewer & Susan Hammersten, Archeological Overview and Assessment, Virgin Islands National Park, St. John, US. Virgin Islands (Florida, Southeast Archeological Center, National Park Service, Tallahassee, 1988). Caribbean Volunteer Expeditions, Documentation of Structures at Annaberg St. John, USVI (St. John, unpublished report, Virgin Islands National Park Virgin Islands National Park Service, 2000). Frederik Gjessing, St. John Sites Report 1981-82 (Virgin Islands, Virgin Islands National Park, 1982). Frederik C. Gjessing, The Tower Windmill For Grinding Sugar Cane (Virgin Isiands, Bureau of Libraries Museums & Archaeological Services, Department of Conservation & Cultural Affairs, 1977). Charles E. Hatch Jr., Virgin Islands National Park. St. John Island ("The Quiet Place'') With Special Reference to Annaberg Estate, Cinnamon Bay Estate (Washington, DC, National Park Service, 1972). Birgit Julie Fryd Johansen, Slave Schools in the Danish West Indies 1839-1853 (Denmark, University of Copenhagen, Historical Institute, 1988). David W. Knight, A Brief Hist01y of the Cinnamon Bay Estate on St. John in the Danish West Indies, 1718 - 1917 (St. Thomas, USVI, Little Nordside Press, 1999). Regina M. Leabo, "Investigations Conducted At The Slave Village On The Annaberg Plantation, St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands", SEARCHING ... , First Quarter 1997 (Florida, National Park Service, Southeast Archaeological Center, 1997). Judy Shafer, Archeological Monitoring of the Northshore Road, Phase II (Colorado, Denver Service Center, National Park Service, 1993) Kenneth S. Wild, Elizabeth A. Horvath, Douglas T. Potter, Andrea C. Repp, 1987-89 Archeological Investigations Conducted Along The North Shore Road, St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands (Florida, National Park Service, Southeast Archeological Center, Tallahassee). Kenneth S. Wild, Jr. And Roy W. Reaves III, Archeological Investigations Conducted Along The North Shore Road, St. John, U. S. Virgin Islands (Florida, National Park Service, Southeast Arcqeological Center, Tallahassee, 1986). Published Sources Anon., Reflections Of The Virgin Islands (New York, Robilith Publications, nd). Betsy Bradley and Elizabeth Rezende, Captured in Time: 1919 (Virgin Islands, Island Perspectives, 1987). Devereux Butcher, Exploring Our National Parks and Monuments (Washington, D. C., Judd and Detweiler, Inc., 1960). Frederik C. -Gjessing and William P. Maclean, Historic Buildings of St. Thomas and St. John (London, The Macmillian Press Ltd, 1987). Jeanne Perkins Harman, The Virgins: Magic Islands (New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1961 ). Arnold R. Highfield, Emancipation in the US. Virgin Islands, 150 Years of Freedom (Virgin Islands, The Virgin Islands Emancipation Commission, 1999). Desmond Holdridge, Escape To The Tropics (New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1937). Ruth Hull Low & Rafael Valls, St. John Backtime, Eyewitness Accounts from 1718 to 1956 (St. Jqhn, U.S. Virgin Islands, Eden Hill Press, 1985). Ruth Moolenaar, Profiles Of Outstanding Virgin Islanders (Virgin Islands, Department of ~ rl .. ~~+:~- 1 """\ ..l .... A.lUVU.UVU., .1 :/ 7 L-). Karen Fog Olwig, Cultural Adaptation & Resistance on St. John (Gainesville, University of Florida Press, 1985). Karen Fog Olwig, The Land is the Heritage (Denmark, Division of Social Sciences University of Copenhagen, 1994). Alan H. Robinson, Virgin Islands National Park, The Story behind The Scenery (Las Vegas, Nevada, KC Publications, 1974). -·-·- I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ,------- 1 ·1 l1 I I I I I I I I I 11 I 1· 1 . . 1 I I I I I I I I 1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ,I i Appendix A Chart A: Chart B: Chart C: Chart D: Chart E: Appendix B Table 1: Table 2: Table 3: Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7: Table 8: Table 9: Table 10: Table 11: APPENDIX Common Ownership, 1721 - 193 5 Sugar Production, 1845 - 1870 Acreage and Land Use. 1803 - 1868 Population, 1723 - 1848 Births and Deaths of the Enslaved, 1803 - 184 7 Constantin Plantation, 1723 - 1740 Constantin/Annaberg, 1755 - 1776 Constantin/ Annaberg, 1777 - 1802 Annaberg, 1803 - 1810 Annaberg, 1811 - 1841 Annaberg, 1842 - 1849 Annaberg, 1850 - 1915 Comparison oflnventories, 1732 - 1733 Annaberg Inventory, 1733 - 1862 Comparison of Plantations, 1808 1805 Plantation Report Tabulation, 1805 I Appendix C I I I I I I I Document # 1: Document # 2: Document # 3: Document# 4: Document # 5: Document# 6: Document # 7: Document# 8: Document# 9: Document# 10: Appendix D Extract of St. John Tax Roll, 1728 Extract of Probate Proceedings, 1732 Extract of St. John Mortgage Register, 1797 - 1803 Will and Testament, 1792 Appraisal of Annaberg, 1809 Census, 1835 Auction Announcement, 1862 Extract from the Register of Deeds, 1871 Tax form, 1882 Census, 191 7 Annaberg Photograph Gallery Appendix E Site Plans & Drawings ·1 I I I I I I I I I I I I -•I I I I I I 1· I )I I I' I I I I f/) I ~ < :I: u I I I I I I I I I -----·- ·1 I II I ·1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I - - - - - - - - - - hart 'ommc n wncr: hip \ ithin th - - - - - - - nnabcrg llistori·DL"tri·t I 2 1 - 11 J5 111 111111 t 1 I 'I.: h.11tdl.'lJ 111, I 111 '\1tdll/t I 1.11K1 1.1111rl tl' l.1111 \1,1n • I '111111 I r.1111.:1 l.111111\ re• 1111 1111 · to '\1111,11 ·1 • • • md I c 111 tl'I B.t) 1\1.11 ., 1'01111 .ind I 0.:111 ru B." 11111k1 .1d1111111 .. 11.1111111 "' lht.: llllll I 11 I I 11111u rct.1111 \1111ahL·r i; \1111.tb ·1 • old Ill l 11.'t!llt 11ld 111 J,tl 1111 I l11k - - 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1870 0 N 0 ~ 0 Thousands a> 0 0) 0 ~ ~ 0 N 0 0 • en c: (Q ~ .., -· :J "'C 0 c: :J a. VJ ,I I I I I I (") :::r ::l ""! .... co I .,_ c J'Cl :.: I ""! .,, ., 0 c.. c I r. ::::!" • 0 ::I --- I ::r t':) > ::::l == I :::r t':) ., ]:: ~ I n 0 '~ - I oc ~ I ) I -J 0 I I I I I 0 0 hart er-ea• and Land ' n th nnab rg Plantation I 0 l I 'hart I Popul tion nth 'on. ta n tin a nti \nna rg Pla nt ation. , I _3 to 18.t 200 1.:-0 Enslaved Free 5 so 25 c 0 ..c .... ,,., , .... ( c ·.: '- Q1) e.; I- "" ..c ~ .... c -. l;D c ~ c. 3 ..c c I- ..c .c CQ ~ ~ - :i If I- , ,., c CJ <-'!! .e ..c 0 °" ~ c. CJ ~ c "' ~ :.J c ,,,._ 0 ~ II [ I- 8 I- 7 I- t- I- I- i2,,3 2 1-i f2 I rr ! I.., i 0 T 'lrnrt ,,. Birth, and 0 ath . • mong th En.-lav don th nnab rg Planl:llion 180. t I 8..i 8 8 e a 7 6 6 s I SS 5 I "' " 44 44 ' I 3 ! 12 12 I I 12 2 i ! I I I I I I I I I r I ~ 11 000 '° 0 00 0 0 T T r T r T 66 5 s s 5 " 33 3 2 [2 J! I I I II I r • "1 h I 0 T 5 "1 10 • 16 11 7 8 6 I 0 T 7 7 7 6 5 14 I 5 2 '2 I~ • Birlh '> I ~dh s T AL , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - abl • I: n tantin Plantati n, I 2 - I 4 --..::.. ·~ ,._ ··- T• • 17'' 1 I IUI ' ( \111 1.1111111 Ni\ ~ l man, I"' 11u111 ~ ' I l 111.1n 'I 1 Thom1L' ...:! l ~trl I .111J I 1M 1n1. I 11.1 I 1111 1.1111111 -:--.j I 1111111, l \\11111.111 ~ ' 1111<111 . I TI1 n n m~ l. l...£.lrl l unJ I " ' 11~ ·~ I Iii l " '" '" " "" N.\ ""N I man, I "'m1.111 Ill ' lj 1 11 ~111 .:!~ ..,1 nwrnu h l11rl L!!11J I l\I 1n1i•2 I ia.i ( t 11 1.111111 N.\ N.\ I m.m.1 "1111m11 IO 1 <l ,, '>I TI1 llllU _]_ IJ!.1rl h!!_nJ I M mn l •.• ' ('1111 1.1111111 N,\ N;\ I man I \\Hlll'111 10 ) lj ~1 s1 1111 mu L.u J I 1 I K_ 17~ I I °Gin llllillll .!OOO u •.tr I man J 11o1•man I h Sn n l n I ::!1 I 1r I~ Joh1 lj ~ \{MKI I rtrl .1. "..!!'~ I"'- l 1'11'!!!. 17111'3 I ~('ITT, 1.1111111 1111MI u • r <J )! 3, ., :!1 I) ~_ll.IOO ...... ~ '1~1111icn lfioiJ I Con 11111 n 2000 u r Im I rLn •t ... I ,t mc:n II M t r\n •1' , ~an I I I ~ llJOtl ~ I lhtlJ m11J I I ·(on llllll :!OOO u r I I tll •t 5 l I ) [I) 2 I II I II I :! ~ 111011 _\\Of~..S_ ~mn 17WJ I 'Cun 1a111m :!OOO ~ Im '' !Inc •t 7 I 111 ~ 3 ~ \(l(I() :! Ho .I 17H I .1 ou 1.uuin 1N ~11011 ' I 111.1 tcr 11 •t I I •111 I man 1 I l l>1.1ui;h1 t•l1 \\ 11111\\ \Ill I I 101111o1n I u l>o • 1111//11 ~1. t\ 11. ill.l ~111 \1'D I ~12_ 1 tl_li_'il JOI t'!_ 17' I • l_ll~ ( 1 llSI lnllll I 15) M ~d I .1r ·cn 1\ ulhl r •' .CK IJ \ \ (1 I •irl I ll Juu • 111 ~ 1 rnurt 1cJ ,, ~ 10!111 1 'lliil ,\I 1J l If en 1\ Chor • ~()()() u' r I rna11 I oman ~ I I •1rl I "''"' II !\ 7 ~I If Ml .,.,-,ri...s 1m 11d l II \ lb«t' 2000 U I r I man. I "' 111.1n I 5 •1rl I "man I \UIU n 13 ..! ~1110 "-Orl.s I ' 1.1 I I 'II• lbor • :!111111 u • r In n h I l 10 _ri_ A "Miil ~1tlc!_ I llW.!£!~!.!£.!! ' I lu\ pw ·ha: :J 111 17411 I l' 1 d L r 11 1 ,. .c I u • r I m.111 " I ' I II ~llCl(I ~1·~s_ I m~'!9:'._l IJ:.111 Nfl 1,\ ~ Rll_ORl8:1 OR_j_T J~~ lll_'l '·IO lllRQ.l (1 H 1 -~5 uds ·1 en \ 1lh r • married l !sail t n wnim' dau •htcr. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~ ahl 2: on. tantin/Annah ' l"j!., I 55 - I I ii'laHd It I CI 11rr I r1111 hr re nl nl '• l tJo I 111 7hrhlru "' I/[ I ,, hi I ndrr I~ I oral firlJ \1Mn4u ""' _HI~ 17.« Jc:n~ N-1cl!iC11 "'R'mi!h :!IHll~ Ml(I _!U!!llf I nw.•tcii"ncgt 5 h h II ~I ill!· ~rmcm:rJN~ ,'.!11(11~11)() ~l!.8!_11 I m.i.,tcri..nq!t ~· h I• ,, }1 m7 --<}rm~J~h 211000iKJO ~u~tr I mii.-tcrJ..ncpt ;!h j_ 8 II so ® ... , 1lu1tlt\ll /(!C£Cf JilJlUl<lll :!IMKhlrMMI ~UJ!UI I >.it~ 111.:ondum c • !Tuurc:s .:.•mhrncd ''1th l>lhcr h11IJ11~ ~· :S.1111111_111 Zccgcr fo.111-;:;i•n :!OI J(_l0_i lflO ~ ug.ir Iman. I •1umnn. ~~s 21 J 10 Ill ff I 7(t{I ~110~1 /.ccrcr Jurvoon wo1~Jj)(111 ~If 21 J ,, -:.1\ 1761 S••I 111011 /c: • • r JJfllu••n 101111;-fOIKI Ir T1 1 ,, D 20110Jooo 2.1 J I --;; T3 •.tu 11 nahlc i71t2 Sol111111n/ er lillllt'<•O II ut 1,T.J ~•In h •i:rJ 10 2tll)()~l)(J(I Uo I 21 " 33 UI "h I.? d Ii ;I 11 n nZ •c~11km 2000;-Jooo u I 20 2o ~ I iJ 11\nn.i Jc \\ 111<11 I i}t~ 1h:r~1•1 S.~mun /.-.:µer 201~()00 ~U_!l._11 lm;.m I \\<tffillJl 2h :! Iii 15 I hi l}M• I I ~!_!_Ill ~mon /cxim :!tKllMIMIO ~U!l.W' Iman I ""man lh 2 Ii II Iii 17,,, ~ lil' record• lur~ John m lhl\ \CM 111'!K_ I h:r~I ~.mk>n /CC)!cr 21.K~OOO \~ill I man. I \\1•m:ui ](1 ! '" II hi i1f.ij I h:r~I ~lumon l.CC'f!Cf 21)()11,~)(IO ~Ulf.iU }I II II hi mo llc:usol ]nlo1mon /ccgcr 200ll~INIO ~Ul!ar T1 h II 11" ,;J m1 I t.:u, <•I '41l1•mnn I C..'1!Cr :!llCN"JCJl")(l _ ~u1mr ~ h II iJ "~ U"R lkr!!.£.I ~>li•llk•ll /i:t:l?C:I :io~111,"}"111ic1 ~U!!lll 37 l Ii" 11 "1"11 m1 I'd I Jc \\'111111 I I 2111.1110"011() u al Im n I '"man II I " I "'' Solun~n I ~-cgcr I lc1r' 1771 I' I r J.: \\ 111J1 lor :i1"111;j111"1 II I I 7 11 1.11 'M•lomnn /cc11cr I lc:1r-. m~ I' I ·r Jc \\ 1ni.J1 h•r l1HHl0"1HMI 11' r \II 5 ~ I:! ,-;) 'Mil11mnn /Ct:l!O:r 1 k1r\ 17711 I'd ·rJC \I,, 111JI h•r :!IHI!) lOoll II' It I 7 iJ 11(1 S11h•m11n /ccJ!cr I ktr.. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - :ihl n ·tantin/ nnahc r •, I' - 1 0 I mon. II Iman I~ l'o .,ihl lb Jt,hm nl u 1111 h ~ In :re ' 12 :!:! In 20 .:w 2 mlillll' 11111.1111 I l>t•\ I ~ml I I \Cf I m 1k man ucr in I m n. I " 1m.111 um n I m ll<fU r •n .. lurl I mun I II''" I l•llnlJJI I nu1114ucwn h ~ 11111 .:?.lm n J me: lurph\ :!OOO moo u • r I 11\c:rsccl II'' 1111 11 .2 0!11 II Jim 1urplt\ :!01111 . (l(KJ u II I llHT ·r Cl:! 17•111 1.1111 1urphv :!OOO I U\C:f'>CCI I/ ICI ""men m.1h: ml.um Om·n II< lrn1uk ull.int 2m k 17'19 J.u11 1ur h1 200(1 I mer cc1 :!'I \\1llllC1l I/ ht\~. II •ul lcmuk m Ill• 111.:r n 1117 ~mule 111Jun1 11101) Jnmc lurphv :!0011 0(1(1 u •ar I lllC:f\C ., lmnn 11111·11 'I l>.1\ , I I •irl I Ill ~\I \HlfUCtl IHOI J.1111c urph1 mmr ~m 11\C:f'\l:C:f h men ho) . Ill gul I IU \\lllllC:ll rn•\\ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - abl 4: Annal rg, I 03 - I l men IKU J Ill ,\1111 her I \\ lOI < ""' 11; q 1 rrl K •1 - 11 n I -" I h.1\ 2 •rrl Ulflll\ ' l _llfl§ 111 rhcr <- I q I 2 hm "' lm.1 1<1 I I I J n ,, In n II I I< I <II -1 rn n II rrl I ll1t11U1 I- ~l11!f11\ m·n h.1\ "'" I o< J.111 nn 1<11 I "~11"111 I~ q i 111 11 10 -" 11 men f19 111 •rrl lurph\ I ' I- I llh J 111 turrh\ lJ 111111"'-:1 11 RI l lllH> l11R I Ill " R 1--- men s l ho1 11111 l me nn.11...:r 1"11 I I I I 1111111 l<h '. ~ m n 1111 _u 111 men fl rrl 1111rh1 I hi. I 1-- Jun <men I I 1111 tiler < l "''' ho\' Im n IKO h1rph1' •1 1 m·n I 0 20 I 0 _ 11111ncn 711 II rrl I girl I lllllllWI I l h1IJr,11 I ho•\ J 111 < m n "''} h.11 I \1111 tier .? men u .w I II 2 \\l'n n I I I II I I I lurrh' ' •J 1111 I 11rl ( hrhJrcn I "-•\ 1-- J 1111. \nn.1licr m·n < "''' I I< I fl ICI lurph1 · I/ Iman 11>0 Cl hll ~<O 12 ~ - 111·11 I 1H•m n girl 2 •rrl Sun - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ahl 5: 1-\nnah rg I 11 - 184 1 , , rt'\ \ rr 111 \ rr I 1H!!!' t•d '''"'' I •I 1lc It ' llr111 I rrr r "'"r . '"''' li 111w apubl Ill c 1r11u 111 llurn n n .t1 Un It 1 11rr i ll II I I I urnl 11 I t111lh I mplo c · or ' fl' \ 11 mr ( 1nr llu' h 11 111 1 ll'ld I rc•1· I ll II \t ti I'm' J,1011 l!.!! nd cl 18 11 I h m. nn1b rt I c 0 280 7 men 60 1_ - - h )' - I mal l'i6 '-lhccn I\ llllUll 7 girl-. bll) s - bQ.~ J_girls _ 18L I h un nmrbcrg I 111<111 :? nlr n I hO I ()(I 3 0 I _ men I -•I B I . _ mnk 170 '\hccn I\\ mi.Ill I \II lllUll •1rl - I bo'l- ICmuk 181 I h Hl1JS nn 1berg l men I () I<; 0 35 I )men 12 "1 8 ::!8 b y · 7 ln ., - 7 nrn l ·~ I 18 " " 'Cll I wom n _ " im n irl gir Is hoy'> I I~ _ _girh_ li.>nral~ 1-- 1111111 erg I lllWl I 111Ul1 - u 'i() I 0 men 17 18 bo) 'i h 17 IX I ·I I h m· s - ., I hc1:n - \\ m·n - l 'irl . 1 •1 I 2 hQ}_'> 181 'i I h llllil'> nnabcr • :?C I 7 26'i n 11 men I" 15 _5 5 hO'l- '> I ICJ ~l_C!_cn 2 \\l!'l1Cl1 .!..QJ:!1·1., t- -::i -· I<() -10 'H) 'i I 0 men 'i8 _() 5 ( b 1)"1 ·l 17'> 181 I h llll<t nnabcrg I girl I man h1:c11 I \\ man I •irl'> I ho I _g_1rl - 1817 I homas -I nn 1b ·r • I •1rl I man _()() 318 'ii l men 5 _() J )( h . ., 'i I \hccn I \\Oman _5 ' Iris 11 o l ~i rl TIR l h ma 1111. b rg _() 318 51 1 men - _() J 60 I )"• I 17 _ men - l.ih ·en I w< mun _ 'i girl., I ) l_g_1rl ~ I h mas I n1111hcrg _ men 200 311! - I' 18 lllCll 5-1 12 I be . ., -I I 179 h_(!_Cn - '~·~· .!_(}_g)r 1., 200 58 (' () 01 17 IR20 I h lnlUS nnnbcr • _ Jl) 11 't i 518 10 m n _o ., hccn I '' m ·n _'i g11l'I I h )- I _H!rl I gc I r 4 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - <lbl : . n na l rg, 18 11- J 8~ I ,, '""'' rJ I r \ rr II Ill ~ , I 1111 I I I I( llJ Ill 11 *I I I '" nrr I 1mil ~mpltt ) Ill '" ff .1111 ' ' _...,._ or . -· ' nnr f'rn11 wn • •nu ii I hllil I I ifhl l 2 rrt lur I 2 I I man II .5 l' ) 22 Iman _men .5 II I C)'i _ m·n II 177 - men () 11 _ m n 0 ~I 11 nm1hcr• I man .'.! m n 15 I. I ) II II \nnahcrg _ men 0 12 R ·ri: II II I man {) I) 7 12 2 Berl? ! I. II. _ men 0 ,_ 161 r ' I n:c olor d I m1u1 '\ "l'O! ·o ~ b\I\ 2 •1rl' 18 () 11 . 11. _ m n 0 7 L lb 1 l Pu 1l: - r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - al I :. n nab rg, I 11 - 1 41 \ rt \ r.- 111 \ rr- ,, .. ~ I 111 I \ I I ll -111 Ill I r I' 1ur ill I uf I llou ( p hf 1'1 ( hlltJ I I\ n rn 111 ll tJ 1>111 ( "11r1 II \u1 I• •I 1111 I /I "1111 · l 11111 ,, I 1111111. t t r Buh 11r I k ill I Id I r • II( J ~ ' II II' II P ro1 l\t1lll II and H ·r 'i w men 2 1 •irb Ir l"11lurctl :! b ) 1111.111 l 1 urn ·11 I h•I\ 1831 II I I nn 1bcr • Im n I man 70 I 05 518 men - 2 t) bo . 6 ) I 1 lkr • 'omen I irl I re 1•11 red Iman 2 11•mcn l.!_!nl 1832 II . 11. n11.1bcrg I m.nn 80 -JO I08 518 -4 men 7 I 'iCI b . :! 5 I I ncr • \\Omen •1rl. I re· ( I 11 d ..j h ) I rn n I 2 umcn l..!_trl ,_ I 'l II II. ..j nnabcrg 2 men ( _ 1 () 51-8 m..:n 5'i -- - J 15..t . Beg \\ men 12 •trl I re • ( "l\>li.:J Im n \ '""en I ht11 18J I 11 I L t-- \ nnabcrg -2 men 100 I_ ' O" - 1 men 19 _7 1(1 h \ I I 1-48 lkrg I re.- l oh•rcJ I " men I girl I 1111111 1 girl I \ l>tnWI l_,g_1rl 1-11 h nn bcrg \~ h11 I r.-c C.:1•lmcJ Q(l 'in 3 5 1 9 men 19 15 .. l '- ~ I I l 11. - llcrg men 'men , 111 men I •irl I \1mm111 I "''11hUI I 1rnl I gu l b ) 18. l 11. I I. nn. twrg V.. h1h: Cl () 388 ~ 1 8 5 men 51 30 ~ l h ) ., 6 I 15 lkr • mn 1\1 men 11 gi I' ~ \ \'t n1 ~11 I b ~ I 1>111 I ~nl 18 7 II. II. nnal erg I r • 80 5) ~ 8 51X 8 men 5.2 .1 1 -1 7 h y . I 161 f - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - I · 'c 4 r 4 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ahl : .\nnab g. I -' - I -' lp11v 1t · c •Hie!' 11 • 111d11 cJ Ill IUIW I 7 I '- nn· berg hmcn ~ )fll" •tr 111 had Jan 101.111 (I ) l) \nnabcrg ti II\ le luLJll () 60 51 lpm le hot.al I man () 6 8'i 'i()'i 6 111 n I< nn, t 1g (f111\I h: arc an I uJcJ 111 .2 \lllfllCll tilt.all 51 men I 17 11. II. 1\1111 her• I m n. I \\1 rn n 3 5 ·o 6mcn 17 Cf' 18 IK II II nn· berg \ Cl 10 85 I I B ·r [ 111.llll'I I 1111111 11. 11. 7 'i ()_ - m·n Berg l'i 1 - - - - - - - - - - ... - - .. - - - ahl \nnab qz, I ~ - I 1: 12 5 ,_ ,, \.\ 18'il II. II B •r • 1 518 17 M 7M 1- '2 11 - l 19 2.:! \\, I. 1 \ 1852 II II I ., I 6 P ·tur • ()I 'i I 8 IJ( fr \I I 11 I'\ Data in fu I i I B ri: 1\ nn.ibcr 1 nn berg 18 7 11. 11 nn therg l8'i8 11. 11 nnabcr• J - I 18 2 "" 1: ' p ~ rJll .t 1 ~ I 1 IUrt.: - 8 I I llW \\ I \.\ 2 II '-' II. If I . I I \\ ,, lllll 18 I II. II nnabcrg 'iO P.tstun.: 50 2 _, 12 11 \ I Ul!C 1 r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ahl • nn:ll · r~ I 50 - I 1: Ann berg \nnabcrg '\ 111r1bcr • nnab rg 5C I) l \~ - M ~ t I II l hrn11,1. nnl1bcrg "0 Pu lure 5 7 If I Vv , .. I( I fl\\ I lo u 7 v I humas vail bk - 7 l I ·d nnalierg - 7 _47 nnJ erg _ 11 _ 17 \nn.1licrg _, ::! 7 187 1 lh ma l Jla in ra Li I 1872 ::! 7 - 7 .'.!. 7 - 18 - - '>I 1hom 1'11"1.lk ( l•Ult I u ( U'll JI Ill ·1 - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - ahl ' Annab •rg, I :O - l 1- o I aw 1n I a I 1 -1 - ( 2 al.!l:: - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ah l nnah ·rg, 11 SO - 19 15 arl 0 nn rg :n :!)() t\nn berg :! I :!. () nn berg. :!O :! I :!"'O I' n nn berg "I 0 - I run1:1 _ arl .t [ mm.mui: I \nn rg 11 21 ---·· r .mt.:1 rl 5 nn ·rg ~ 191 .., r at. m I a I 1~1 I )CJ rnab ·r~ ,_ :!( 1_ :! ..,., J l 7 nnaber • 20. _)() r · mm.mui:I -I nna rg ~ I Cl 2. .. r.tn I rl I mm mu ·I nna rg ::ic 2:' I I i.lllt: I' I 11)1() I mmanu ·I nnabcr - 0 J (J I ll I Pa~· ' r nhl nnab ro, 1850 - 19 15 ii 1911 I· mmunud 11n bcr • 0 _oo 2 ( I ranc; j., uil l' 12 I mrn mu •I nnab·r • I 1 18·1 2 0 F ind • 1rl lllil in I a ' I i I 19 13 l_:.11111wnu I nnabcrg 7 _o -·H l nd • rl l ) I bmn1111u •I nnabcr t) _o - 7 l·rnn ·i ·art 1< l 'i I .mmanu ·l nrubcr • _, - 7 l·ron i'> Ol.!c f I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I a I n ln,· ot ri t r th t. J hn r th la' R b tao tin n J lantati n l l•illJ.'iHHJ!~ :ii~~ LI l:'] Pl•ntation::;yr~ \ 2000· f'!!_ni.liQ_n~~ \ !lliJll" B!_U Dl'G"" Q!_tlhne huu~ .i"_.!!liu e 1!.!!_u~ bum:.!!!_ in rt~ l!!!_n_l ~uurmill \ rill in eond _!l}_DdiliOD Bo1hne bo~ flrine ~a U \l ilh-4 copper l.e 11l~[da m !!£[_ed in ~ l!Q_n l _l!lill ~i ll "hl~ut c11'_!!"o r~'J.!!!!.m~d_!_n r~ lm n ) ''•l!UJ'!.t ( \~:zi~ bu m_!_d rn ~~!!_o n ) 'ti:rn ho~ (~u bQ_u~b u rntd in ~liunl 11\_E~i-. \~allio11 _b!•ll!.!!_n ~ in~nl \hone \ ~ \ •oune~olhuo b_Ll ll~n ~ i n__!'.!_~ll!!nl \ lll8':!_ l 'l•rt '"'' rn rth~l in'!!_ ~diinl.t~ ~bull \_rn" !!_,,,. d~·•p~and m R.!.,llelUanl r~ \\_[_O Fnn~ l'_aur ~..,i...r1 lJ'.lln~l~lll!#r t'OOl.trl_ J1_KI ~ ~nl ~ EI ~t) ' IJlio Q_ld llluni ~dlh_t1_n i \\ illi \faqUtf'!!_D \\ ilh \l aq~1 \nna~lh child \ "'~ ll!!_r ..!_hild d_!!_d l \linen 0_l l~~n1 :11111 ~~n r tl ) ~•mil!_ \111g_urron tmaront ~~um bu (hJL"...!_ fi11!!_hernia) ··~· ~ (•1~ m~ n h111 n~ 110 "1 • .l ohnJ i_'u n lgl_']>!'tlll'rl l_llilo l ICOll!!_Q !!.in~· ..!_OUld ll~ I hoU1111 ~!!DU f!lOOd-1!!.!_n !.!!_llUll ~ru) _l!_rn I !Q_l _ "Ll ~l D \\ \ R l-"_ 'll Q_llll R PR_Ql'!"RD_ ! f!!._ur ~nm.I ~n ~n n_Q_n • I r.. u~und irnn ....!:!.."'!!!.." ~111cd.!!.inc~ ""h mnl_hl~IDd l~nJmc~ -30..!l!n or llin•~. t~~or~i. _!!utltl. ~n~ruili1~~mcl;_!!or l!l • ~ alra~ra~111h _!.5~-2£_1"'11...J!..!!!!.!.! • \ Mnineli.!£1.l nrt Hd a Sprat art \ ~!_g_ li•cl-1_ "!'.!.J!.Cl!. 'l!fa1 '!!_I • • 11 hanei~dl- lutl.!_ 11 b_ll_n!?Jn_g_{p.,t_tJl- I~• • \ 1'...!_ltr J!!!t \n old clolbiq c~ •rral i:un : I mot loct. fnfltl: a pair or pi• 1ul : aad •rral ri~"ithuut lof~ \~hrr~ord \_.l!_artial~nod -"nrl.J!l 1 0~~ Ill~ •• \ hr~iq krlllt \ lill_!!_!!_• l.rnlr \_t_OP~r _!_Im iD~_jll)I \ lilllt~on~arrJ Ira~ II cha~ I la_!Xt'_!_Dd :?_'_mall round t~_b~ :? cll~ith lid•~ \drum \ nurrur c. i.a.1~ .nd ron.~ ~··~~1k_·1rnh "rteht• J .,, .. _I!!!!!_ _i_\ copper l.!t•lr .!.\a 1ntn...!_•~ltr ~1th tiill'112~n _!_\ numhcr or ca~a~ 1110~ J iron po~~llb chain and b1lh_ J - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - a l le 9: In ·nl.ori for _.. tat n n a b r-g I 31 - 18 2 'i I 11 11.r • ., pa 111r Buildino t\ "i1h mph:k 11 hen and un er tht: gang\\,) fan.1 • • .mu P gc I abl : Inv ntor i for lo.sta t nnahcrg 17 3 - I 62 1733 1793 180') 1842 18<•3 A nc' ma •a.,., h u c ma 1 • hou 1: f • h) - · and a lllal?a . h U'C muh:El1 \\ ith_5-h.~c - J" lllep ·n IJr ''· 1 pen f r mul .• ind h rn ·cJ - ,111lc .- 1111 h ll c wJth lb f?J n I I 2 thrc hundn:<l g II n hull <tnd I till I. Il le ol 400 • Ill 11 • rum ell r wuh thr i.: I rrc 'iluml' h\ >hundred gUlll n butts \ ith ppcr tuh • .,, ctL. . l lermentml.! f_Q_ni....:J - '>ti ll "ith p •wti.:r tub nd - -.1111 I _'i() •all n '' ith one __Qr.1_~k__Qu11t 1,111!.'> l~(.lflllCJS~rn nd -J.c?.!!..d~ci\. ~ !--- n nnimnl mill \ ith mi cd mrlcte atilt: rnlll ulc mill 11 an1mul mill 1 1th r • I\ Cl II 1111111 ii 111111 r.Q.lUlld<I ~mule ..Q_en I ~ . f- 65 _ticg!:Q_ l~u C!t l.Q-N~ l!.Q.U'>C'> c •re hou cs 2 I ~~ro hQ_ui,_e,-. 2 I N cg~1 1.22..u'c' ~~~llh~llC ll'Oll \ICtghls ~1 irQ_n~ with hanger J'JJ ~n~ll iron _£_nnr1om u 1ur p 1u1 r !th l 111·1ini11 • Cl r n p lUls I 'i 0' ll ng ;wind le & Rope Ii r fl\Cyin • llQO foot Qf boJrtb . _fJllC 10 M_ill' llCI till .111d f''I ~r1~d I--- \\lit 'I p< I n thcr ' ' r •h u' and , i t •m -y:.: \1·a1 •r l'>h.:rn ''1th will p UI Wt.!ll 1th ptm11 .md 7(1' I ng and ut J\ ·ni •c • h1 •h m.1'un . trou •h anti u pure ·- m~l!t I IQ ice ..Q_U n!J!. Ile\ ne c 1ry (unfinished) I tru k ·I ·. m l nc \\ II l er long anJ b Ul ,_ 1 • h_ig_h Ln, l:1vctl ' · '!~_ht_\ eel 1-.n .. ~~d ..£.11, l:\\_~d -.f:Q_nlntcl .b_nl on•r, _ I men ~5 men I 3 l \ men I 'i2 m n Cl bo) ~ 32 boys -1 3~i rl-. _s girl l_l!la l LQ_ lulu! ~ J'otnl· 1.5·1 rowl. 177 TQllll ·I Lh ~l ~I. _1!\ C'>IOCk Lil ~t o~k Live, lock _1i \ ~O l' I. 25 mule-. _ 7 mule-. 23 111ulei. - lllll ~ 1---- _A l~c I ma~'" iLh !.Qi.ii 11 h_<l~~ I C1 h o~ -:f hor'>c'> I . '"' 11 c 11 I 12 aul l-.. - Pag 2 r ----------- -------- I hull Id nkc ablr 9: In 'otoric ' for 1 state nnab rg, J 7 3 - 1862 1733 1793 1809 1842 IH<•.1 Point "ith a!'>c • Guug,con'>. 'utrt;ll~. l:Jru ~I!... •ratine. •• and furn ICC ." Pa• 3 of . Point nhl • 10: 'umparison of. 'I. ,John .' u~ar Plantation. in 1808 OW l:R l·S I T ·/ uml 1;r I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I abl 11: ·:ibulation and \\'rill n ornm nt fr m th I OS I lantati u R p r·t · for Jam . lurph~ '. J r p rti _ on 't. J ohn J\nnabci:g_ · l_ei~ler ·. l_Qial N~e!> 147 I!_? ~·l a le ~ 112_ rem~ _Qi 61_ _Ircole:. .E._7 9<> Afr~~ !Q_ 83 _f_hri t .!!_f!i _±7 ~ l leathe~ !..QQ_ _!8 r ield '\J~oe~ I .!l_ 1]_1 l !.2._u~~ _i - Trade:. men 5 3 I l m~id' II 15 n er Male' 7 _q_ - ea I- m h.: · I r m Makl> 1 _§_ : 1c I 0 h:mnlc ·rm _Mal~ _! _1_1 10 l - f· 'mal 1- 19 ' c11ain hm ~al~ 19 22 _, - - - r :?O tc 0 Fem I . I i\J1p1_•, rin • I r m ~I~ :?9 !_:!_ g' 0 (I Fem le I - 18 I r m 1\ !Q.I~ Ll: }Q: } l ri.:111 · k 9 -I I r m ~I~ I Q 0 l ) 0 !·cm k :? I Mn I cs ..:!_ _:!_ bo' 0 Fem le ' I I m~ l\.lam Pu1r I 11 L "" ful II . c ~ .1:.lllac..!!'~:..!::::.. - \l.1tnm nic Ihm ,\Ian} P.ur IQ_ LQ atu I 11 ,,,..~ ·- - to-th.-..·•.!!!.•~ - ·1 t I m UllL _fu)_y_S_ 2 2 ofBmh., _fiir~ _J_ I I h \\ 1an~ t th 'Ill napll.t ·<l. I In 11,.. I I and in \\ hat~hu~1 I forCl\· 1.i11 ( h11r It 111 •11 man~ :--.:gr• «•nn tcJ M!!l~ I II m 1amm "' ''1th q_m · «'I I cm le 11 ••th..-r~l~ I g' I f ~ Munsbu11 · 1 To ta.~ 111 -l_Q_O _§!__ ~ _§_4 195 5 1 m ]_7 --ill: ]I 2.Q.4 ~ 2_2§_ @!_ ~ 4 I]_ 4 4Q_ lj_ _1_1 3 19 11 -- ]_ 11 7 I..'.!_ 1_3 7 15 ~ 18 - Q 5_ 13 -t 12 ~ 9 2:? ..1. 1-t 3 6 7 ~ I 12 l_Q_ 22 7 2_l 7 I 5 . _6 _ 0 - l ~ 21 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Deaths !ale In The L t I ~mal 'l ear . abl 11: · ulati n fr m th J ~ r Jam Murphy and \\ ritt n lantati n R Pr p rti Ann 0 I wm :'U and lh ·n:all\.l\ DGIJ born 0 ein ter ·- 0 0 2 ~ 0 0 I 0 0 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I *l Table 11: Tabulations and Written Comments from the 1805 Plantation Reports for James Murphy's Properties on St. John "Of the Estate called Annaberg, laying in the Mahobay Quarter, No. 9 Belonging to James Murphy Showing the total number of negroes on Said Estate, with proper elucidations. Observations: On this estate is a wind mill, cattle mill, a large & convenient set of works, a mag ass house, a mule pen with sheds all built since 1797. The land is a rich black mouid [soii] on a stiff clay, but the iand being steep and rocky is very laborious, the gang with the assistance of those of the two other estates cultivate part of deWindbergpurchased by the former owners, of which 20 acres in canes are to be taken off this year and as many more are open ready for planting. The remainder of said land is at present in negroe grounds. The whole is suppose to contain 103 acres, deemed excellent land, it also joined number 7 & 8 called Franchy 's and Mary point. The latter had about 40 acres lately planted with Guinea grass. This remainder of both tracts in crops & pasture although the greatest part might be cultivated with great advantage were there a sufficient supply of negroes. They are supposed to contain 250 acres & with part of the land purchased from deWindberg will form a very fine settlement. St. Johns 14th January 1805- [Sig.] Owen Sheridan, manager [and] John Rawbone and MOS Kyrne, overseers" *2 "Of the Estate called Leinster bay, laying in Mahobay Quarter, No. JO belong to James Murphy, showing the total number of Negroes on said estate, with proper elucidations. On this estate is a convenient dwelling house, kitchen, stable negro rooms, and a cattle mill with a very commodious set of works, a magass house, a mule pen with a house over part of it, answering the double purpose of a shed and storage for provisions, utensils etc. There is besides the largest and most convenient and comfortable being all hilly and rocky would require at least a hundred able field negroes to keep the land at present in canes & fallow in due order. Independent of this there is a piece of land of75 acres of very superior quality which might be cultivated to great advantage and taken off with the same works were the strength of the negroes adequate. The negroes cultivate as much fine rich land for themselves as they have a mind to. St. John 14th of January 1805- [Sig.] Owen Sheridan, manager, Char. Odell, Overseer" *3 "Of the Estate called Munsbury, laying in Mahobay Quarter, No. 6, belonging to James Murphy, showing the total number of Negroes on Said Estate with proper elucidations. extent of these, a mag ass house, mule and cattle pens with sheds and a small sick house. The negroes since it has been purchased by the present owner work the grounds for themselves on a part of de Windberg, purchased by the proprietors of Annaberg. The land is rich and contiguous to their dwellings and they are allowed to plant as much as they please. Muns bury being very hilly and rocky soil should have at least 100 able works in the field. Many of these inserted in this list in the column of field negroes not being of that description. St. Johns 14th January 1805 - Owen Sheridan, Manager, John A. Hartly, Overseer. " Page 3of3 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ;\ i . r F - Reproduction of Original Document Extract from the first St. John tax roll in 1728 ·lt • (, 4 .. ~~ ·~ •. : .Q40 .. ~ IJ. .J~IA- 1¢. .sa..... [SJLL] West Indies and Guinea Company Archives, St. John Land Lists, 1728-1733 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document l of l 0 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Reproduction of Original Document Extract from the 1732 probate proceedings for Isaac Constantin with the appraisal of his St. John Plantation ~··". - .. ....__ .. __..:...... -· . ' Ce;. .. . - - . ~ - . . . -·- . ~ ~ . t;-C-· ·'1/{-C-1 .!!<.- ............ 8-!-! ·~ [STBP] West Indies Local Archive, St. Thomas Byfoged, probate protocol for Planters, l 728 - 1736, Ltr. G (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document 2 of I 0 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I .I I I I Reproduction of Original Document Extract from the St. John Mortgage Register where James E. Murphy's Purchase of the shares in the Annaberg estate were recorded [MR] Record Group 55, St. Thomas - St.John Mortgage Registers, 1776 - 1806 (U.S. National Archives II, College Park, Maryland). Docwnent 3 of I 0 I I Reproduction of Original Document Last will and testament of James and Elisabeth Murphy, 1792 I I I I I· I I I I I I I I I I [DYS] Danish Chancery, East and west Indies Records, 1688 - 1799 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). I Document 4 of I 0 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I' I I I Reproduction of Original Document Appraisal of Annaberg in James Murphy's Probate, 1809 Page I of3 [SJR] Central Management archives, Registers for St. John, 1835 - 1911 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document 5 of I 0 I I I. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Reproduction of Original Document Appraisal of Annaberg in James Murphy's Probate, 1809 Page2 of3 (SJLBP] West Indies Lncal Archives, St. John Landfoged, Bailiffs Protocols, 1789 - 1813 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document 5 of I 0 1! I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I' I I I Reproduction of Original Document Appraisal of Annaberg in James Murphy's Probate, 1809 Page 3 of3 [SJLBP] West Indies Local Archives, St. John Landfoged, Bailiff's Protocols, 1789 - 1813 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document 5 of 10 .. 1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Reproduction of Original Document The 1835 census of enslaved laborers on Estate Annaberg In which individuals who were "punished by judgment" were noted. . ,' \ , ·' ;.-- Page I of2 ll~EGiS'J.'ER '. of Sfaves Jivin.; in the CoUJ1try ill SL 'John's. .~ .. -- ." ..... .,., . • . ••a-,.. .., a.-.--• ......_ -----~ · ..... . [SJR] Central Management archives, Registers fur St. John, 1835 • 1911 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document 6 of I 0 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Reproduction of Original Document Announcement of the Auction of Annaberg and Leinster Bay After the death of Governor Berg in 1862 AUCTXOl~. ~ Y request of tbe Executorcs r;,.~"' testamcnti of the la.te Vice~ Governor TI. II •. BERG tmd Attorneys--o~ Kar.auerjuo.ker E. F. MURPHY, will be \ put up fo;: eale at one Auction, proviaed ~~ acceptable .. offer Le made, .eithe.r:\ l10tnlly or upara.tcly, · . ' I .THE SUGAR AND STOCK ESTlTES · ~nnrrherg U 11thrnt{'rhrr~, situP.tea in Ma.bob:i.y Quarter sub No. 4. and 61 in tl:.is ls1o.nd, o.nd belonging, tho first namea pl'operty to tb.e dealing of the deceased Vice-Governor II. II. BERO, nnJ consisting of 200 e.cres .of land, wh~reof 60 acres in cane cultivation, and with a Etock of 18 lioms, 17 mules, f, CGS::s, 63 Leo.d of l~omed cattle, ts ~hec;:i; a.nd the eccond, to Re.rnmcrjun- kei E. r. 1IURPIIY, nnd consisting of 27 6 ac:es of l ~na, vrLcreof 25 t.eres in c11nc cultivl~icn, v.ith a Etock of 18 liorses, 17 rn u 1~s. 6 e.sses; li3 · Le1ld of Lo med cattle, C5 ebeep.' Al\D l\D!EDIATELY AFTERWARDS: SOME GOOD MAIIOGA.N\7 ~ mlf1 ~m ru1 ITT~ D ns 'Iab~es, Cb:i.irs, Ileiht€c.ch, e~c., etc.; c. good LIBitARY of a.bout 1,3C·O vo- lumes, a Spanish tt!lllicn 3.:?!l, E. crnofo ili~b. o.nd e. Sloop, [In belonging to Kao::ncrjunktr E. r. ll'JR?.EIY. I 'Ibe Auction will be held en the Estate LeinstcrLay, \ TUESDA 1~ th.e 2nd of December\ ensuicg, at 10 o'clocl\. fo the forenoon 1 precisely, r.nd the cond'.tio.cs for th &a.le ii and the appmisemenh 1:1ay be seen at I tbis O!lice, as also at tbt h1nt!cg Offices; of St. 'Ihomas and St. Croix. • \ ~t. Jl)h't Auction OJi.:e, lGtlt Octoocr; 1 1~:32 • : r. A. nnwrrunsT. St. Thomas Tidende, Vol. 16, Wednesday, November 5, 1862, # 89 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document 7 of I 0 ·I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Reproduction of Original Document Extract from the Register of Deeds showing the sale of Annaberg and Leinster Bay by Thomas Letson Loyd to George Francis for $100.00 in 1871 [STM] St. Thomas I St. John Mortgage & Deed Registers, NA (Office of the Recorder of Deeds, St. Thomas, Virgin Islands). Document 8 of I 0 - - - - ' . - ;- - - - - - - - - - - - - Reproduction of Original Document Tax form for Estate Annaberg filled out and signed by Antoine Anduze in November of 1882 I fXiU1f'llllL' .. f\111111 •1ttwfo1c '"' t11a 0-uer. lleul&r, ll:1nai;:t'f 2i1w.l (.h'fru.n.. i I 'o ----!-·-- TAX-LIST 1882 • TIL\Ot.slO:S. ... LA I 0 RE R $. f1tld bhorn a~I J•Ullllt- 1-..a.. (1r11,\".u .. "°'""'"a .. 1Jr & f'1n ol ll.. ft:U .. IW. fwWI HUj"'MJ. I ...... ) a-. I :0-1>-c:.L 1,.i.,,._.,.t II• tlot •b":1.c1 ; ~oc:L w i....,: .... IP lie ...... ,. .. ~ - .... ·-- 1 .. .... ·-· .. it .... - ---- __ i j I i ! -l -i- .1 I 'i I!.! ""' l#llll'n, £"~ . nn1.u1~c;s. 1-r.· i ! I ! l I P•P'IOllt IMng on th• Ettat, ~ut without bting employed lo wot.II tlltra. . I Tht utii112to o( d .. ~11ol i• cane an1I pult1rt 11 coucc\ 1 to tl1e ht•I of our hc.•lc1l;e, to •1il11d1 •• un t.'h ' OMii, if rr11uiN<I. [SJA) Central Management Archives, west Indies Audit Registers for St. John, 1755 - 1915 (Rigsarkivet, Denmark). Document 9of10 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Reproduction of Original Document Census form for Annaberg and Leinster Bay from the first United States Census compiled in 1917 ! [VIC] Department of Commerce, Record Group 29, Records of the Bureau of Census 1920, Virgin Islands [compiled in 1917) (U.S. National Archives, Washington, D.C.). Document 10 of 10 --------------------------------------------------·-·-- I I I I ,, ·1. I I I I .1 I· I I I .. I I II I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I (P nnab r all r I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I nnab rcr Ph tocrraph Gall r / I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ' T --·· - - tin n hn I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I nnab r raph all r r rial' i " o 1h ~ ruin or lh \nnab rg Fa I _ mpl \, ir n 19 _. I ph t graph b) \ Ian R bm~ n) \nn b rg :i i . ompl \.ru in lh ' indmill . ' mb r 1 Ph to' ph b)' D ""' •hi. _ ) I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I no b ra Ph to raph all ry ' : • no b rg a I I') mpl , , ruin 1b E I I') till, \ mb r I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1111 b rg nn b r Phot r ph all r • ph } "-night. _ 10 '") O\ mh r 2 1-..nu!hl. _ I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I .I I I I 1. I I , .. I I I I I I I I I - j . ·i..uct of -. ,-J--· ~&crlO!oi -~ ~: ,_ .. ; .. : . ..... . : ... ;~ ..... _; . ./:.;{; )J-. ,::. .. ;.• _.- -·-.,_ t ,- n -~ I· .: . l . ... ·. y . ' ~ .. • ·.;. ·•c · : . ~ .. • ... --_,_.11' --.•'" ) . . "·" ~ $lu4.J ' . (/ - - ;._ .. > • . .. '"'"'- ~"!' . ........ ~ . . · ... ~ ~r ...•. -.- ·.,, ·. ~ · ., ~. · ., - - - - - - - - - - - - -· - - SUGAR FACTORY UlllClllilll Ol•1£"1'1GM#W UN1~9?Al1"1:1100.........,.0'"9 ""1'W:lllltQlllr MATIOflM..• .... MmJWIC&. ~Ol ........ ANODal.,., SU(.iAR Series Drawing I of 5 lSTATI. AIJllAt.tllC. ~Ul.~I( Al< If' '.-' (<W~ ' J>:< MILL · Tut. FACToa.'f C.OtJ"TAl\J., Ruf. ;. ; •.~ o~ 1e. "i . ..4 "''~ •=?T~ . (t :.; •JY. ,· :coN~ill:J~TIOI< ~"ID l(n ;. ;.'..,~ T~•(i.~ .;-r ~t · . ; . .... ,_ ....... .)~t Ll>JC,~ . ~UILDl~. I~ UIJrnv"loJ ;nco~DtD BY TIH. UIJIH D )11,ll'., IJATiOlfo. PMX )[:. \ .~ \. oWI~ P~OJl(T WA~ ntl'AIJ((O r1>.01,< · hJ"lllS <JF'l•ll .,,~~10 ... ""' l>R<.>-.1:. Al<I er 'TW'- \.IA110WAl \lA~~ =>l~'llU 1.11.•~Ull.tO ""~ .ll~' ... ,, l)U~I ... , ~ •. , P£ fl ·IOD All4 - 0(. T \~ 5 9 Ut4 Cl R. 1~~ Ol''.t: 1'11)1. C':' ( '.,..\,\ :> ~ • t . \'-!' 7\:,; _ ' >., SUPt'lYl~\\...I~ 1'.R<.H:\t'=.T, Ml~TO~h. ::.O~lC.Tl.l :· l: :. · :.-...:.n.·.: ... f.( !',J \. . .. l\ ~·1 , A.RC~ITtC.T J 11,;(\0\( I. i 'l{kti"T. ::> lUDl!<..l·~ ') >1:.·r1 11-r h: CMl~r.· · r ,\1,1. ,.,, ui.J1v. or PA ., .t.~o i-u!T : .. DAlN. tDA . roa. IM~Ol'l.HloTION ON \ll'/11WUl-lhl ,:·Llk.U'.•r .. ·. At.lV•' ,.'•I' :· ~-.•.•.• ~s ~r '<o'1'r •'•EE. '5er'f-.=.-.· WAI .. . f.\CTORY -· - ---·- · NAME OF STRUCTUA£ [<:J~· ;.·: .: '.'·. t. :t_.- ( 5URVl't' NO. - · .... , HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDINGS SURVEY SHUT • or ~ SHUTS - - - - - ... . - .. . ... ... .. .. .. " .. - _____ ,......,. .... .......-.. ........... ... .. ~"··"'•' "' •~•• ""··1ra .... ~ .. ,..,,. .... ,.,.:1 ........ ~ •. - Series Drawing 2 of 5 -· ..: ~· . ..:_· -. - - - a"'1w• o• •L..,..,• •-·~- ••~"' .-..,.. • .,..,.,.,.. °"'-"' IJ~ • .,. .... 0-•1..• ., .... _.., ......... __ ... HAM&C# ST M - - sucoAIC. l'AC.TOR.Y, E.STATE ANNABEl<G, ST.JOHN. VIRGIN ISLAND~ - - ·- ~ ...... Ji,'.;; • ...... l.o>'o"''f- PLOT PLAN OF FAC.TOl<.Y SITE. 6CA.L& r•90._ 0. L•' " & HISTORIC AM~CAH . ·• IUIUllNQI llllt\ll'(.·"'' - - - - - -· - - - - - - - - I I I I I ! au., lrUJ&& AiMD ~ ~ ..... 'T'f .... ..,.,....M...,a~tM ..... ~. 81:11UM6 ~ •flllill.6l1MITA"'t OWL.V. ~ I t- Series Drawing 3 of 5 NOR.~R. HI la&.. flO& DIJTr· .... • ....... ..,..n .,.,..~ -- .. .,. '//. o·r.... ---~~ ·:-:---- ,. I .i t---~------t- r ~. P'ttD ...... L,OU.~IOt.I OF 11D1Pt•11t. ..::Ml"N5V FLOOR.. PLAN OF FAC.TOR.Y '!>GALE "1'a·-.i:,o• ~--~==~===r.==w===.~-~--9-· - - - \ NO'ft.! 6~ ... ~ C:OM6TMIC• ,.IL!) N ltUt!I01.-~ ,...-._,.._.,. ._..TM Bai''°' UWIN~ ~ oP•• " Ml ... •""""'"' o.....NC',.,.auawtN•tuo• GUT CO .... L llMXW «fU.lolNIUil ~ ... .alNC. t-F OP9.l.llv<..•· ..... -~i~. J· ~ .. . f.~·}\_:.. ·.)::: · • .'<.· - - - - - .. - .. - - .. - .......... NOR.."TH ELEVA•ION SOUTH E:LEVATION WEST E:LEVATION ~ Ofl ""'"" ~ ..... V•"••":.o• MAMI 01 IT'RUCTUllK - - - I ,......,....,..,.O*~u~-"'"' r ~ta"lllOIC"9Q Ot'4 ~i.. VAlill..T . -..-•••l.•GO•Te.-. ..... --~-..... l.#Jo ...... . ,r - SE.CTION A-A SU~AI<. FACTO~Y;E.STATE ANNABE..RG, 5T.JOHl-J,Vl!<Gl!-.I ISL.ANDS Series Drawing 4 of 5 ----------------------------------- ·-·--- .. - - - - - - .. - EAST E.LE.VATION ILS't TS SEC.TIO"-IAL El£.VATION Cjl·O Series Drawing 5 of 5 - - - - - D 8&.•V 1t· .STILL C.16Taia.N ~ECTIONAL E.LE.VATION B·B ....... euw. ~4 I • ' ;,~~~~tE~~-~~~~,.,~~G~I. lo.------·-·- .. ELEVATIONS A~JD -:_,c;;. .-.T ~~u: '='' l>llt»'a. ' L.d~ 11.· .. 1~0· NAME ~ STRUCTURl - - - - - D •. c 0 ... ,.,, ~C.TION TM.RV C.U1t.H..a6P. $T0a..AWe. W\NC:. l>o~~0•1c.1~1..'llll•NDO- AWO Oooq, ~NIN&• .. ._..LC>,._.V&.\..L.CWU'~IC.I'(--, ,A!..L ORIG.ltd.L DOO•A.W~ OPl!\o&ING.<!) PAR.,.t,..U.V IDLO<Kl!C, l ... !>T u.e.v,e.,-IOM CP pl(:n~\Wu llC\'1!)1:. -:.E.C.TiONAL ELE.VATION C-C. c .. - ,_.. . . ·~ . r .c •... , ~ 1 : . .... 1 .•. • :&tl' N ·~- · <'I Si \(' ... • •.).) 1 ! MJRYtv NO. SUC:.AJC. J:"ACTor.:.v, c..~-.A-r A.1',;N,.:..~~ ·~...; .. ~T .. _· . · 1 • , . ·.·: r: ..,· ..... HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDINGS SURVEY SHEU ~ or ,, 5MUn - - - - .. f ,. r . ;. ·; I ~~: ,. }J I . : ~•,.;.ttt • .,, 1.1n·:, •""\tOltA\ . a.A....-. l ·IM,., ,. l N t 4 t'1G.2. ... .w:t,':':::...~..::::~!~~~~~:,~:;::::= ~':::!•._• ~~·1 .. 1 ~ t.NWAL' PIO ~ .. ~ §' . . I; z 9 .. g ~ " ... . .· .·. ........ OI .. .WCTVM MILL TOWGR RUIN~ - ~UGJ.\R FAC.TOR'/ , SalN\• .IQllOI -------·-----. ·-----:- - - ----- ·-- - - .. I l' - - 1 J .W, '™ .• , . I I i ~ ll Ii JJ~ .. - . ·.o . • t ,o • z ) 'l u• l!l. ti) . , . tuUOlllC ioMliol.:.uf llUUllMa• IUAYO' l••at II ., U ""'" - - - - ~ :·.: .•. ·~ . ; .. - 11. - ·------------------------------------------------- -- .. __.:- ·-·- •! I ---- n -- rr -·- •l ., II 1 ~ ~ "' r I .C> . ~' u:1:1 .. 5~' Q!, C7 ---~:' . -~ - ·~ ~ ·\} "' . '\ .. ' . •.11\Qlll 1~1 .llloll-.S llA'l'loo'fll\1. PllhK j • llil.11 O'~ .. :a• . '""'· ............. .,. .................... , ........... . .......................................... - - - - .. .. 1 ~ ~ ~ •1 ., . '• . Ii 'll111 > I:. I ~ t o'~ .,,, ii t,·n :r U .. :~ :. ·u~c . J ' 3•- ~ .. ~ ~ ·' - \ ~ ~ ~ l J ;; • § ~~ii sos' ~ " ~ 'I i ........ "" ..-.,,cn.tlC MILL. TOW£R RlJIN~ - ~U~AR FACTORY · :141Nl" .IOllN - - - - - - ' I . - . . . -·.- .. ··: . :-.• .-.. . ·. · J I . ,; . . .. . ··: .· .. . NISlGlllG ANUll~ ... ILOIH<ll IUllVU ' -• 4••- ,· ... - - - r-i r-i ·n ~ i:: ·ri ~ tn H Q) .0 Ill i:: ~ ~ 0 tn Q ·n ~ ctJ J.t Q fJl Ill :a M t+--< 0 N ~ ·~ ro ~ 0 en d) 'i: d) rJ). - - - I In~=================~=-=.==========~~= i ~! ;; I ilh! . I •'",.. .. . fl·~ I i;;: ! 1 ·1 i!;~ '~ 3f Ii ~r I ! ii ; I Ii l aJ •i i I I I I. . I 1· ~ i:: .. •• .. 1· .. I I I I s...r- j ~·or. I · ~ j . :-::.~O' .,·.JL. ?U.N~OM~-~ " HABS Drawing of Annaberg Windmill. Series Drawing 3 of 3 : .. r I I I. I I I I ., !' I l ! I I I 1· I I I 11 I :'° - ~ 1· I 1··· ---. I I- ! i'-. .,. re 13 -- -- -- - - - - - - -f=- ·' \' ___. i .' .· /~~ // ,' /\.,,,.-" /1 / I ~::::: j I / :' IC)=// ; / I ....J / / .' I 'CD '/ ::::::::~--­ -·- 7 ,, - - -/f"' ~ / / II Y.. i I =- I' :; . I -" ! "7!':::::: I '/' 1- , E--. -z - -- - ...l.- 1 1:: :r:. z -. . ~ - ' '--' .............. 0 ....J ·. ~ 77 ;: . ,11 : .' . , I I' ---c ::>-. -, _, ---~I ...... :::::> r'\' ' - --· ·-- .. --- - ·- ·---- - - - ----- ------- ---- - ,., '-'"" _, """' -·. - \ . .. -i: . ----.- --- I --+- - 11 - - I :I II 11 ..., I i z ---=-1~·_; ':·j ~ u Q I -i ~ ·J.: ::, ~ .... ........ ! I i " ' ; ' , ' ' : ' :..:::: r ·. ....... ::) ~ ~ .-~ - I -:-=-____::;:.- -=--=- === .. :::· =:::-~ · ====.I . ,. - ~; l'k '· ·~ ·I I I .. I 1· I I .. I I I I I .1 ·I I :I I I I .. ~.,.<-· '· ~ - ' ~}.·. .\ ~ ., _ \ \ _, . L • ._,. I T E-- \I ': ·. C . ... .#·. ~ . \ '· ' ·- - - --- --- tr'l \ '· \ '"' '· ...... . ..., \ ., . .. \ . \_ __ " . .. l~'t ~ 0 ............,_ ,, '~ ' . .. ' ' ff ' ' ' ,,,. ·~r:c..~ 111 t..c i I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I. I DOCUMENTATION OF STRUCTURES AT ANNABERG ST JOHN, USVI NOVEMBER 2000 • Summary Volunteers assisted the Virgin Islands National Park Service in the documentation of ······ ' ·- structures at Annaberg. Ken Wild, archeologist and cultural resource manager, and Brian Coffey, historian, from the Atlanta office led Caribbean Volunteer Expeditions with 14 Elderhostel volunteers who cleared and measured structures at A.nnaberg and also Mary Point. This work helped identify structures to be included on the National Park Service LCS: List of Classified Structures. These consisted of the following: • Structure # 1 This stone structure was built into the hillside to the east of the retaining wall near the windtower. The walls were about 6 feet high on the lower side. The building was about an 8 feet square. On the east wall was a brick arch. • Cistern# 2 This cistern has exterior walls, some of which are collapsed. The south side leads to an aquaduct. The walls are about 19 inches thick, plastered on the inside. The cistern is filled with dirt and rubble. It is about14'-5" by 11 '. • Structure # 3 Possible stable or manager's house. This 42 foot by 28 foot building contains only piers and some rubble stone walls. The wall on the west is a retaining wall about 36 to 30 inches high. There may have been stairs on the south. • Structure# 4 This large enclosure ·of about 60 feet by 116 feet has rubble walls; some of these have completely fallen down. The area was very overgrown, and quite disturbed, so it was difficult to examine the entire area. • Unidentified Structure to the East Volunteers spent many painful hours searching to the east for an "unidentified" structure located on the Gjessing map of 1978. However, we were not able to find any walls in this area. Series Drawing I of 8 f 11 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1. I I I Caribbean Volunteer Expeditions is a non profit organization which recruits volunteers to work on historic preservation projects with local Caribbean Agencies. Volunteers on this project were Elderhostelers: CVE-Elderhostel Nov 12-19 2000 '_!_ No First Last Address Ci!Y_state ··••·· ... ··-·· ... 89012 Caro~Grover Everett 2606 Orchard Ln .. ' · Lawrence KS 66049 89012 Rebeccaff imoth_y_ Tem..£_leton 141 S Momin_g_side Dr Le Sueur MN 56058 89012 Sue/ Ale;~:inder Eichholz POBox431 Tracy~ Lani, MD 20779043 l 89012 James/Janet Shea 81 Old Street Rd Petersborou_g_h NH 0345816:: 89012 Nancy Demarinis 898 Shennocossett Rd Groton CT 06340 Arden Towill 89012 Jean Danz 7 Oxford La Smithtown NY 11787 89012 Roberta Gribbon 6439 Lanclin_g_Neck Rd Easton Md 21601 89012 . Stewart Cohen POBox505 ·West Kin_g_ston RI 02892 89012 William Worth 6164 S Ash Cir E Littleton Co 801213130 89012 Suzanne Gordon• Box 765 Nevis, West Indies Anne Hersh• 5 Emarket St Comin_g_NY 14830 89012 Abe Ban_g_oura * . 2501 lancaster St P~outh MN 55441 Total ' * eve group leaders , , Series Drawing 2 of 8 I I I I 1---;--~~- I I I I I I I I :Z.-r"'t::'rl ~t-t n or:::- ..i.,. ~ Y· · l -~V:.1 --V-~ · -~ "l \\ t' x. P<HJ NP,, ~~~- ·~ ·A·­ V~~-L~=--~ ~-~-~--- D . . •' '/ · ·AQue;:~~:·q I ~~TE=: · ·-[/,~~M I I I I ~f;JOI· :r.o··· .-.~~L-e · . Series Drawing 3 of 8 , ' SITE DIAGRAM 11/00 ANN AB ERG, ST JOHN ... ·. DRAWN BY CVE BOX 388 CORNING NY 14830 I .' I I I I I , .r Series Drawing 4 of 8 I ;,, '' I j • \ \ \ . <:...;.. ,. . ~~-- .... .:s.---~. \ . i ... -·· -LL, .. L.: . i - . - ... -· ...... -. .. ! . . . , .... .,. .. I ··' .. • • . .,:.._. • '" STRliCTURE,# 1 11/00 ANNABERG, ST JOHN . DRAWN BY CVE BOX 388 CORNINO NY 148JO I '"'I .. ~ ; < ~~- l1l · H ~· . I I : i : -· ·-·· _, ..... ~ .. .. . .. ~. .. . . - •..... . .. -· •· .•. ·- .. .. - - ~ ·- . . - ··- - -.. I. :~; ... : . .:.:_ :_·~ -~ ...:·.-.=-=~ ------ · --. ........... .: .... --i-~-· . . . . . . . . .. •·:: ~~1.~~+?fih;·~~Y·~-; · ·-· I···--·-·--"--- --------···-· : . . .. •. . : : . ~ . : -: . . ... L .. . I I l l I -. I· . I: . . I •• f .. L ·I • ; ·I· ... , '.i t·· 1 ct . :J I'" ... 1 i .. '{I v'l :: \,n ~ 2 ... 1~ t1 3 IV~ ' ' \.[) Ln r<\ lo ""'•\ _,i ,, , ,,.-/ r ~ - ~ ; ri, \ . ' ' . .. ·-· . --- -- .-· · . - -··· -----··--· ·--· -· --- . .... --· . - .... _ .. __ ..... ·--·- -~-- ··--- ·-·--·-··-·- ------- -----~ -- . -- ".:> ·- .. .... . . .. .. -- - ;.. ·- ····- · -··· .. ___ :. .· ~- - !- --.. -···. t· r· ·•· ..... ,. . . ; .: .:~~--; .. : i .~=~--~t~::~: • . • •r .• L •• 1 •••• ···t-t-·-· .•• .4 . ....;.... .•.. •· .~ . __ ... _:__ __ ~1- : ~ i i : ... · . . .... f f •··· . -·-··-··:.....;- • . : ... "":. .. l. ;...., _..;_,!.__ • • . CISTERN # 2 11100 ANNABERG, ST JOHN DRAWNBV Series Drawing 5 of 8 CVB eox 388 CORNINO NY 14830 I I I I I 6 ·~·· ·. •· •• •, ~ \ \ . ... , r() • . t .:;~~: .:-;.~1=i' -i~l5ii1~-; i rrl ·~t8t3c~~i,J~- · -~·;· . • : ... :.:_~; . . . . -- . . I ~ .. - . . . . . ~ : .. ! -~ . : : . --· :.: : -.. - -· -~ . . __ . _ . :- .... : . _ ...: ~- ~ ~--- ~~.:_~~:~-->-: -i :_8.: ~"~ _w PP.Tl O'.J. _,. - J r - -- -·--·--· . . • · , . I ... -. . ------ - .. - ----· -· . -- --------o - ------------ --- ---. I • .• @' · ·~ · .• i . . . 7;~~:~1,~lt/N 7Wt? · . _ ... . I -. -:--if'~ ... :-- :- . - - - . · ... ..... ' , '' ' .-.-- .. -- -·· ..... .... -- STRUCTURE # 3 11/00 - .. ANNABERG, ST JOHN DRAWN BY CVE BOX 388 CORNING NY 14830 I • I I I Series Drawing 6 of8 ,. . . . / ___ J_ D /r'\a . 0 '._/ _.., I 0 (; '-"' 0 C> D 0 :D6 .. ...... ' -Cj l . · L6 ~ bD I ' .:. . : : : . ~ . : : : . ~ = . : < . : ::::_ . . . ·. : ... ": 0 0 ('· ·--·- - ·· - -~ . - ~ · ·····- ~!--~ - -~-· - -~-.l-.. ·---· ... --· ~- · - ... ~ ·- .. •. - ·; . • -;.- - ~ r . : .. :· . . : j u ! ... ·--t-+· :""T I I i : j · · · , -+·tr-; ·;:-~ : - --;- : ,__r;·; - -~ ···- ----- .. .J.--r-1-r- ··· · 1·:.tr-i o · ·· · · ·-.-~-+---"------._,._f-+-+-+_,;._..-+-~_._.._i -, ...;.__·1'---· +---, ~·- I ; ; : '. . ; '. ~ : ~ , I ; : -!-~- +-:-~-~ . · -+--:-+--H-i-' · -L1~---ri~- ..... ~~---- +-.- ............ t-.. --o .0 ....... , .... ..:=.·_tJ_t-~-~~ , l =il.i .fu- ~~1j~Li~~i.1-t-~ : ~J-.-L : : ~:- ~ ·.: _.i.:-r~ .. ~i~ ~~~~~-f~-~--l~UQ. ~. ~~ I - .. -l . .. - . . .• i . . .. . . . . . -· .. - ... ij (:) 0 I ·~- ~ -~: .::. ~~· -"~ -~~- : : - ----· ... -· ·:: .: :. ~: ·:fJ vu - ··-· ----- -- --- ..•.. - . .. ···- _. ... .. ·-·-- - -·· -. ... --··-- --·· ··-·- ·-·- .. .. --·-· - - . 1 ... : . - . -- . - . --- . ··1 · - ·- : '--1-. -~ ; . I . -- . ---·- --r-- · . , , · ! . 0--:o·-::=j 1:;~ ~, · =mif t:~ 7::1-:-~t::=rf~=-:.,~ f f;ri=-Tj~f rf ?~--: ~{fD;~~~;-:~ ~- ·; ±; iT . . · -Pf ~~i,., '.f~~c .f=r-i ·· ·~ ~- B:+ ~ff. · ~t 1 1. -!- P~a+L ...,; I I ! I I T - I ·Jr·; . I '7 L7 ~~ _J:: -. I I I I i,_, I :.1 I ~~ _J_ i • .-.:+·, ~ . : . :·-.~-~-:--· ~ . ~ - ~.; ... ~~.:=~J~i:: __ .!.}'h .112: : -:~~-() - .:..i .~.J-~_t.+~ . ~.-~- - ; _ .. : '. l! :~ .. -.. . ~ . .:.J~ -· . . . ; ... . - . - . .. -- - . fv~ ... --·· ~ t . . ... . ... ·- . . .. . . . . - . .. . c - t ii .. . . -- :.v· : . ~ i I . . . ..... . . . -·· .. . : . ~ . ' i •••.• · - __ "l -1. .. -..... . . . • ._--_-···_ .. -_ --_ -- -_·- -_-·-_·····_··_-_-_ ... --- -·· ·_--___ - -··--; .. r.. -_ - ·- - L.~~~-,- 0~;;~--c=-~::.~-... ---£- . -~-~~-· - ~w-irH · :· I ,1:'o "lI ~. : ... A:···:- ~-"T"',,, ~!~_.-:: : . -.. : . -~V'·M."" .1-!lf--·;T-·•V- ~~·~·-.:·.: :~ -. ·~ ::· : . I NG .. I ?~AW Y~'~' !...O" I I . .. . . . L.; _· ; . ·: ·; .; . i I •-,....J .,.,. STRUCTURE # 4 11100 ANNABERG, ST JOHN DRAWN BY CVE BOX 388 CORNING NY 14830 : - : _ ;_; .. L l.: ,.. ..,, Series Drawing 7 of 8 I I I ·1-~- Series Drawing 8 of 8 . . . . . . i . I • t • f • J; . i ' ' I f