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proposed Irish conference. Meanwhile the government points to a slight dimin- | ution in the casuaities suffered by crown forces in Ireiand during the past week as indicative that the peace moves are making some impressicn on the rank and file of the Irish repubiican army. Except in the Dublin district where there | has been comparative quiet during the } past week, there is no appreciable les- | sening in outrages. Gueriila warfare | has nor abated throughout the country. There is no indication, however, that the | extremisis are foreing things with ghe design -of wrecking whatever prospects of peace exist The Crown casualties | for the week following Mr. Lloyd George’s invitation tor a conference in lL.ondon totalled forty, which is below the aver- age for the week preceding. Dublin, July 7th ~The Clonference be- +ween [ri:h republican leaders begun in Dablin on Jaly 4th, ~as resumed today. The personnel of the conterees was the same as that of Monday, Mr. DeValera Mr. Avthuar ‘iriffita, rfounder of the Sinn Fein, and four of the southern unionists Earl Midieton, Sir Gaurice Dockreli, Sir Robert Henrv Woods and Mr. An- drew Jameson bir. DeValera was the’ first to arrive He was loudly cheered as well as the other conferzes on their arrival by the large crowd which had gathered about the main house where the conference was held. lL.ord Mayor Oneill walecomed the delegates who be- gan their de iberations immediately. NEwW YORK, July Bth. Flour, Blendad Clears St. Lawrence | rand pr. bri. $8.60. Meal, Kilndricd per 100 tbs $1.95 New Season’s g ork per brl. $37.00 Heavy Mess Pork per hbi. $24.00 Sugap---Crystals maximum per 100 lbs. $4.00 Moiasses Sugar 89° tesi, quotation. Cotton, Middling Upiand, at iiverpool ver Ib, T 84-100 d. tixchanve, New York and: London, 60 days’ sight $3.664 “xchange Now York and London, sight $3.70% LGRDON, July Bth 1921 Sugar, Demerara Crystals, per ewt. 435. ' —49 s 6d. *“ Musecavado per cwt. 365. 6 -4565.6. : Labor .ee L v The part the professional labor leader had in advancing the interests of the | masses of iabor in the rpast is no concern | of a moving world. We want to know | what part the protessional labor leader | is playing now and what value it has for- - future. The sentimentalists look at ! his past through misty eyes and plead to | keep him on, while practical men who | feel that the professional labor leader | has ‘‘said his piece,”’ called loudly for | “‘the hook.’’ Thereis no denying that | the professional labor leader eased the ' S URUDULER A VIS burden of th2 workers in the midst of the rush to the (3oal of Success hidden away in the industrial land of promise opened to settlement by the steam en- gine and machinery. That was a time of every man for himself; the time of the devil take tiie hindmost; the time of pre-emption, ard the men who put out a protective hahd to shield the weak against the strong, or who showed the weak the way (o strength, deserve all of the encomiuins that ean be heaped upon them. But that is ail. Because they help- ed once, they cannot be allowed to Linder now and that is what they are doing. Con- ditions have changed -changed mightily. The wilderness the steam engine opened for settlement is now thronging with life and is just beginning to bear fruit to the l2bor that has been expended upon it. The men who got away from the starting line first, when the industria! era was opened for settlement, pre- ernpied the choice quarter-sections— they became ine men with a2 stake in the country and its natural leaders. They were self-centered, perhaps ignorantly selfish; certainly some of them were, and until a few years ago many of them believed that their interests were oppos- ed io the infterests of the masses. The radicals among the labor leaders and the political revolutior ists tried to ‘each the masses to believe the same thing. but the masses were more intelligent than their Jeaders, or t an those their leaders sought to make ‘hem hate. They could not be moved to hatred or revolt. They instinciively knew that a greater agent was at work in the world than either their leaders or their “‘bosses.”” They waited and bided their time. Then came the {urning point. The industrial leaders, the men who mapped and plotted the road to the future- or some cf them —saw a light. They saw that they were merely instruments, that there was a limit to purely selfish goals, that the big job, the great glory of accomplishment, lay ip the elevation of the mass. They realized this concept of the future from a better understanding of the laws at work in indusury and finance. Visions of a great, coniented &znd industrious peoi le rcse up betore them. 'They saw the ‘'‘peit’”’ they were charged with filching invested in new machinery. new tools of production, and converted into homes, bath-tubs, automobiles, smooth roads, great parks, bherds of cattle, fields of wheat— all for the use of the people. They realized that these things would be inevitable fruits of the industrial pro- cess, thet they were just as cer- taln to come in time as the sunrise tcmorrow morning. There was no place for the idea of the ‘‘class struggle’’ in that concept. Herve the interest of one was the interest of all. This vision ot the future was developed in the niinds of the toremost leaders of the industri- al organization through a gradual rea- lization ot the factors responsible for . deve'opments to date. The labor lead- - ers did not get it, the sentimentalists who look back to the days wlen the ~ labor leader was a Good Samaritan ' and not a contender for industrial lead- . ership did not get it—it came to none - but the men w o have plumbed the se- crets of the industrial process, and, . though dimly, to the masses. The rea- . lization ot the vision is threatenec by the - ambitions of the professional labor lea- der. His ambitions are still individual, still limited to a desire for power. His vision sees the mass of the workers as the instrument and he would reach his - hand out to grasp it—to wield it as a ecepter of power. He would be the mas- ter and not the agent. Frequently he . hasa vague purpose to be helpful, an undefined intention to lift up the mass but he doesn’t know bow he is to do it. - He sees the real leaders of industry en- .~ Joying the first fruits of the industrial .~ age’s barvest and covets them forhim- ' self. Heseeks domination by using the . mass of the workers to force conces- | sions from the real leaders of industry. . Every victory of that sort emables -him | topoint to his achievements and do tight- | en his grip on the workers. The in- . dustrial leaders understand his tactics, | they know what the professional labor . leader is doing even when the labor lea- | der doesn’t know himself. The senti- mentalists, the men who mistaßenly identify, the cause of the protfessional lahor leader with the interest of the mass of the workers, are even more danger- ous. They interfere as pe:cemakers, but they invariably hold the hands of the man who fights the people’s fight. The men who are responsiblie for the re alization ot the vision of the {uture as it appears from the industriai arera are estopped from making concessions. They may feel that the time is at hand for -a wider distribution of the fruits ot the common labors, or fora mitigation of the hardships incident t 0 productive la- bor, but if they make these concessions the professional leader will get the ecre- dit and the sentimentalists will have an additional excuse for mushiness. No, the professional 'abor leader does not belong. His elimination is necessary for the welfare ot the mass of workers. With him out of the way, the real lea- ders of industry can weigh projposals for a general, more immediate, distri- bution of the fruits of industry on their nmerits, and consider whether it is bet- ter t¢ work hard to have more, o to work less and have less. There s great deal to be said cn ill sides of ' these questions and it ils pretty certgin that an intelligent public opirion wijl be able to give a judgement and enforce it, but these questions cannot even be considered as long as the struggle for ' leadership goes o¢n between the men .~ who made industry what it is today and the men who would wrest its control fran: them.— The Exchange.