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m ^^^^d: 1990 J Festival OF American Folklife Smithsonian Institution/National Park Service On the front cover: Felicia Cciines iivaves hoopri)ie lo niiike a Si. John niark'cl huskcl under ci tamarind tree in St. John. i'S. \'iriiin Islands. (Photo hy Betz Rohh) On the back cover: In a Senegalese market, this ivoiiuni displays waist heads Cjaljali; and a variety of hairstyles braided into wigs. Tliese elements oftradilio)ial feminine personal adornment have contributed to the Senegalese reputation for elegance. (Photo by Andrea Snyder) 1990 Festival of American Folklife June 27-July 1 / July 4-July 8 Smithsonian Institution / National Paik Service Contents Cultural Pluralism: A Smithsonian Commitment hy Robot McC. Adams 5 National Parks: A Home for Cultural Expression by fcinics M. Ridoioiir 7 Folklife in Contemporaiy IVlulticultural Society by Ricbcinl Kiih)i 8 U.S. Virgin Islands Folklife of the U.S. Virgin Islands: Persistence and Creati\ity by Olivia Cadaval 18 Rounding the Seine /;!' Guy Beiijanii)! 11 Folk Architecture by Myron D. Jackson 28 Saxanne by Ruth M. Mooloiaar 30 Tea Meeting by Eulalie Rivera 32 Coal Carriers by Arena Peterson 33 About Man Betta Man, Fission and Fusion, and Creole, Calypso and Cultural Sur\ival in the Virgin Islands by Gilbert A. Spranve 34 Were There Giants? by Gilbert A. Spranve 36 Senegal Tradition and Cultural Identity in Senegal by Diana N'Diaye 38 Teranga Among the Wolof People by OniarMarone 48 Social Beliefs and Craft Practices by Abdoti Sylla SO Traditional Education and Circumcision Among the Diola in Rural Senegal by Fulgence Sagna 53 Musics of Struggle Musics of Struggle by Anthony Seeger 56 Songs and Stories of Stmggle: Music and Verse as Ethical Discourse byJacquelin C. Peters 58 Festival of American Folklife ©1990 by the Smithsonian Institution Editor: Peter Seitel Coordinator: Arlene L. Reiniger Designer: Carol B. Hardy Assistant Designers: Jennifer Nicholson, Andras Goldinger Typesetter: Harlowe Typography Printer: Peake Printers Inc. Typeface: ITC Garamond Paper: Patina Matte Insert: Sundance Notefrom the Editor: The Festival helps make some of the many ways of knowing tnith and embodying beauty a part of our national cultural dialogue. This year, we have tried to project that many sided dialogue into the Program Book. The sections of articles about the U.S. Virgin Islands and Senegal have statements from two sets of authors. One article in each section is a general, inclusive statement written by a member of our curatorial staff. Employing a point of view generally defined by Smith- sonian imperatives for "the increase and diffusion of knowledge," the author engages in the characteristic practices of the Festival. These include: identifying and valorizing traditional cultural practices; explaining them primarily in historical, economic and social terms; replying to popular stereotypes and supplanting them with empirically derived characterizations; representing geographically and historically bounded cultural wholes. The other statements are written by authors from the geographic areas featured — the U.S. Virgin Lslands and Senegal. These articles are more richly detailed. They address a variety of audiences, reply to a variety of im- plicit and explicit assertions, and are couched in a variety of styles. They have, of course, been solicited, selected and edited — processes which are ineluctably based in our Institutional practice. We hope that in spite of this practice, and also in some degree because of it, these short critical pieces do incorporate a variety of voices speaking on noteworthy aspects of folklife. In this sense, the organization of this year's Program Book represents the practice of the Festival as a whole. The dialogue of viewpoints, of understandings and of cultural styles strengthens the disccuirse of our national cultural Institution. Cultural Pluralism: A Smithsonian Commitment Robert McC. Adams Secretaiy, Smithsonian Institution In the United States today there is increasing awareness and debate about questions of cul- ture. The terms "multicultural" and cultural "diversity," "equity," "conservation," "sunivai" and "pluralism" are becoming part of public discourse as national and local institutions evaluate their mis- sions, audiences and constituencies. The Smithsonian Institution has made cultural pluralism a high priority for the decade ahead in its research, exhibits, pro- grams, staff and audience. This is a complex goal and this year's Festival, as those in the past, helps us to pursue its many facets. In its original charter, the Smithsonian is dedicated to the broad dissemination of knowledge. More than 25 million people visited the Smithsonian museums last year. Millions more read books published by Smithsonian Institution Pre.ss, watched "Smithsonian Worid" on television, listened to Smithsonian Folk- ways Records, attended Resident or National Associate programs, visited SITES exhibits in local museums or read Smithsonian magazine. One aspect of cultural pluralism is the democratization of access to knowl- edge: the Institution's audience should not be limited by cultural, economic, and geographic boundaries. We must be everyone's \nsX\\.u\km. But pursuing cultural pluralism invtjlves more than indicating a willingness to admit ever>'one or encour- aging wider audience development. Our exhibits need to reflect adequately the many American stories, songs, works of art, technological developments and bodies of wisdom created by the populace of the nation, and those of the world as well. People need to see themselves, their communities and their histories in our museums often enough to have confidence that their voice is being heard and understood in a national, even international forum. The pursuit of cultural pluralism reaches beyond exhibitions and programs to the ways in which they are conceived. In the humanities, social and even natural sciences, new or alternative perspectives brought by scholars from traditionally under-represented na- tions and cultures make major contributions to our collective knowledge. Focusing new perspectives on old areas enhances the process of creating new Lmderstandings, new paradigms, new- visions. This is especially true when research is translated into exhi- bitions and programs. Scholars and others versed in the culture of those represented must have a \oice in how that representation is accomplished. Including \oices of the "studied" does not diminish the respon- sibility of curators and researchers to use their knowl- edge. Rather it challenges them to engage in a dia- logue or even multilogue, so that different types of knowledge and understanding may emerge. Broaden- ing our staff to include researchers and lay scholars of diverse backgrounds is not onlv ethically correct — it is also good for scholarship. The Festival of American Folklife, the annual exten- sion of the Smithsonian onto the National Mall of the L'nited States, is a long lived national and international model for the research and presentation of living culture. It is an example of cultural pluralism in re- search, exhibition development and public education. This year, programs on the folklife of the U.S. Virgin Islands, the cultures of Senegal, and the Musics of Struggle present people who have much to say about the cultures they represent, but whose voices may not be frequently heard in national or international cul- tural fonims. Field research to develop these programs was conducted largely by academic and lay scholars from the U.S. Virgin Islands, Senegal, and the featured communities, and usually in close collaboration with local cultural institutions. Program interpretation is multi\ocal, as tradition bearers, local scholars and Smithsonian curators speak for themselves, with each other, and to the public. Together they create a rich, pluralistic and knowledgeable perspective. The U.S. Virgin Islands is a U.S. territory and a multicultural American sociery in the Caribbean Sea. Its culture reflects the continuity of African and Euro- pean traditions, their creolization, or amalgaination, into new forms in the cmcible of intense political and economic interaction, and the influence of more recent immigrants from Puerto Rico and the eastern Caribbean. Yet within this cultural diversity. Virgin Is- landers recognize a unity born of intimate island community life. People in the U.S. Virgin Islands understand one another and the complex ways in which their roots are entwined. Rich traditions deriv- ing from home life, the market, plantation slavery and resistance to it, fishing, local and international trade inspire pride in Virgin Islanders. These island-born tra- ditions are of increasing importance in a world pene- trated by an impersonal mass culture not of their ow^n making. But Virgin Islanders have also projected their skill and knowledge beyond their shores. Because of their relatively early struggles for freedom (emancipa- tion from slavery was won in 1848) and their skill in successfully managing a multicultural environment. U.S. Virgin Islanders have played major roles on the mainland. Individual Virgin Islanders contributed to the Harlem Renaissance, the formation of the Brother- hood of Sleeping Car Porters and to realignments in New York City urban politics — cultural, social and political movements which mark important develop- ments in modern American history. From Senegal to the Festival come exemplars of traditions that reveal historical development within ancient West African empires and the civilizations they nurtured. Senegal too is a multi-ethnic democratic society; it is joined together by national institutions and traditional values deriving from Islamic, sub-Saharan African, and European sources. Traditions of praise singing, storytelling, healing, weaving, hair braiding, and metal smithing enact and promulgate ethics of social responsibility, personal integrity, and the dignity of self within a spiritual framework. The embodiments of these values are important for contemporary' Sene- galese; they also can be keys to a complex history that connect Americans to their roots in West Africa. Many Africans brought to the Americas in the slave trade came from Senegal and nearby coastal regions of West Africa. The cultural continuity of the African diaspora in the Americas is still evident in traditions such as spirit stilt dancing and hair braiding practiced in both Senegal and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Bni iiansi stories. West African moral tales about humans and animals, are still told in the Virgin Islands and in the American South. In the Georgia Sea Islands and in coastal South Carolina they are told in GuUah, a language with West African roots that provides the grammatical basis for Black English. And there is a Senegalese tale about the Manding King Aboubacar 11 who set off westward across the Atlantic with two thousand canoes several hundred years before Columbus. Whether or not his fleet arrived is unknown. But that spirit of exploration, which aKso placed Senegalese in a network of trade routes through the Sahara to the Mediterranean, today motivates a generation of Senegalese-American immi- grants to enter U.S. universities, participate in the professional work force and contribute to commercial and street markets in New York, Washington, D.C., and Atlanta. In the Musics of Struggle program, we learn how- different communities, in the United States and abroad, use traditional music, song, chant and movement to make their voices heard. In recent years we have seen profound changes in the social order resulting from mobilizations of popular support. Traditional music has taken on a dramatic, culturally dynamic role in some of these mobilizations. Old songs and tunes newly recontextualized or revalorized provide a link between the continuity of the past and the challenge of the present. Sometimes we forget how powerful the music can be which articulates a sense of moral purpose and moves a community, a people or a nation to transform itself. This program demonstrates that power to transform, from the songs of the Freedom Singers to the chants, in sign language, of students in Gallaudet's "Deaf President Now" Movement. While the Festival gives us a means to comprehend cultural pluralism and distinctiveness, it also presents historical contiguities and functional similarities in cul- ture. We can see the role that music plays in many com- munities, nations and cultures. We can understand the relationship of tradition to understanding history and informing social action. We can find connections and resemblances across oceans and centuries. But most of all. at the Festival we experience cultural expression, encounter creativity, and meet the people who can help us explore them. National Parks : A Home For Cultural Expression James M. Ridenour Director, National Park Sei'vice Most people think of museums as store- houses of objects and the Smithsonian, especially, as the steward of our nation's material treasures — the Hope diamond, the Wright brothers' airplane, the original Star Spangled Banner. In a like manner, most think of the National Park Service as the steward of our nation's natural and cultural treasures — Yellowstone National Park, Grand Canyon National Park, the Statue of Liberty, the Lincoln Memorial. But the Smithsonian Institution and the National Park Service are this and more. Their missions are not only to preserve physical objects and environ- ments but also the values embodied in the natural, cultural and historical heritage that gives meaning to our life as a nation and as a people. In the Festival of American Folklife we ffirm a partnership in which we present living cultural trea- sures — exemplary musicians, craftspeople, storytell- ers, cooks, and other cultural specialists— to the nation. Through living exhibitions of their skills, knowledge and artistry we expect that a broad public will learn about the different traditions, cultures and people that comprise our nation and the wodd. 'We expect that the Festival will bring people closer together, helping us understand one another. 'We also expect that the Festival will have an effect "back home" — encouraging feelings of community self-worth and pride. The National Park Service also works "back home" in all parts of the country. We collaborate with many local and regional agencies throughout the United States to present programs that testify to the richness, vitality and diversity of America's many people and traditions. I can cite as but a few examples, the National Folk Festival held for the past three years at Lowell National Histori- cal Park and this year at America's Industrial Heritage Park in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, and the many presen- tations of traditional culture at Jean Lafitte National His- torical Park in Louisiana. Golden Gate National Recrea- tion Area in California, Hawai'i Volcanoes National Park, Chamizal National Memorial Park. Texas. Blue Ridge National Parkw^ay in Virginia and North Carolina, and Cuyahoga National Recreation Area in Ohio. We are particularly happy to have joined in produc- ing the programs at this year's Festival. We share an interest in the land and peoples of the U.S. Virgin Islands. Virgin Islands National Park on St. John is a beautiful, ecologically and historically important park. Research conducted there has taught us much about Caribbean ecology and marine biology. A number of historical sites and sugar mills have been restored so as to make the history of the Virgin Islands accessible to both residents and visitors. And some of our National Park Service scholars have made contributions to the cultural and historical research that supports this Festi- val program. We also see the significance of National Parks, particularly monuments, reflected in the Musics of Staiggle program. Often, in American public life, our monuments and the significance they embody become focal points for the mobilization of public expression. The U.S. Capitol building became a center for Gallaudet students to announce and advance their pressing need for a deaf president. The Lincoln Memorial has been a focal point for the Civil Rights Movement. Unlike many nations, we take pride in this form of public discourse. It is a celebration of our political freedom. And while we may not always agree with one another, we do agree that our freedom of expression, through access to these monuments and nationally symbolic public places, must be preser\^ed — and treasured. FoLKLiFE IN Contemporary Multicultural Society Richard Kiiri)! New demographic, political, economic and ecological realities have recently joined on a global scale to bring cultural issues to the fore. Talk about "culture" — usually con- signed to the back sections of newspapers, to academic circles and to abstract critical discussions— has recently emerged as a major subject of current events requiring serious and broad consideration. In the United States the 1990 Census will reveal the continuation of a trend toward an ethnically diverse population. Sometime in the middle of the next century^ most Americans will be identified as of African Ameri- can, Asian American, Hispanic or other "minority" back- ground. The "majority," already a broad and varied category of European Americans, will have become the "minority." The implications of this demographic shift, already well along in some areas of the United States, has sparked debate on the public u,se of languages other than English, culturally appropriate educational strate- gies and models and standards of American national unity. At the same time, the economic position of Japan challenges American models of production and man- agement. Economic differences are being discussed in cultural terms, with reference to underlying ideas about social organization, attitudes toward work, and the comparative values placed on individual and group achievement. Culture is at the cutting edge of economic production — even in the industrialized world. Matters of national unity and cultural diversity have continued to be major, central issues in Brazil, Canada, China, India and Indonesia, among others. But perhaps nowhere are they more pressing than in the U.S.S.R. Political perestroika has meant cultural restructuring as well, with diverse ethnic, religious, regional and tribal groups asserting their identities, values and institutions in opposition to the dictates of the centralized state. The quality and character of daily life — the locus of cultural policy in its true sense — is no-^v a matter of vociferous debate. Environmental crises, especially our ability to create but not to solve them, have prompted new examina- tions of the cultural survival of indigenous peoples and long term sustainable development (Cultural Sun'ival Quarterly 1982 6(2), 1984 8(3), 1987 11(1)). The ongo- ing, systematic destaiction of the tropical rainforest for industrial and agricultural purposes contrasts sharply viith its use by its original human inhabitants. Indige- nous people of the rainforests generally have developed .systems of knowledge and resource use that conserve both nature and culture. Traditional, local relationships with an environment, be it rainforest, wetland, moun- tainous region, .sea coast or other area, are most often more ecologically .sound than those of acKanced indus- trial society. These events and trends are both sobering and humbling. They remind us that grass-roots, people's culture — folklife — a residual category for many decades if not the entire century, is an important force in the world today, directly affecting demographic, po- litical, economic and ecological change. These events also suggest a future in which folklife will attain greater recognition and legitimacy in an increasingly multicul- tural nation and world. Folklife and the Ideology OF Modernit\' Expressive, grass-roots culture, or folklife, is lived by all of us as members of ethnic, religious, tribal, familial or occupational groups. It is the way we represent our values in stories, songs, rituals, crafts and cooking. Whether the legacy of past generations or a recent in- novation, folklife is traditionalized by its practitioners: it becomes a marker of community or group identity-. Folklife is a way that people say, "This is who and how we are." Folklife is as contemporary as it is historical: it is the languages and dialects we speak, the clothes we wear and the other ways in which we express ourselves. It is gospel music performed by African American choirs, Anglo-American foodways, stories taxicab drivers tell, group dances done at Jewish weddings, whistle signals of Salvadoran men, Missouri fiddling sessions and the practical kno^^'lecige farmers have of weather: it is Italians playing hocce. Vietnamese curing by rui)bing, Puerto Ricans playing the plena. Ojibway Indians harvesting wild rice, Pakistanis eating dal and chapati. While implicating the past, these traditions are as contemporary in their expressivity and function as abstract painting, computer synthesized music and mi- crowavable food. Traditional Virgin Islands scratch band music and calypso singing, kallaloo cooking and mask making are contemporary with top 40 hits, fast food and the tourist industry'. In Senegal, saying namaz. singing praise songs, dancing the sabar. participating in lambe wrestling, and practicing metal smithing, cloth dying and hair braiding are part of contemporary lives. Folklife is often and wrongfully associated in the popular mind with incomprehensible song and stilted dance, doll-like performance costumes, and antiquated, naive arts and crafts. Despite the advertising label, folklife is not a large troupe of choreographed, acro- batic, finely tailored youth prancing to glorious orches- tral music in romanticized and theatrically inspired visions of peasant life. Nor does folklife properly refer to historical re-enactments of bygone crafts or to other anachronistic performances in which individuals pre- tend to be others situated in a distant time and place. This tendency to think of folklife as theatrical recreation of the past disparages it, divorces it from its contempo- rary existence. The devaluation of grass-roots, peoples' culture grows from a desire to see ourselves as "modern. " This desire, as many social historians have noted, is rooted in the practices of the industrial revolution and their ideological consequences. Industrial manufacture — with its rationalization of production to maximize profit — meant relying on those applied sciences that fostered innovative technological development and giving pri- mary legitimacy to systems of value based upon or well- suited to an economic calculus. In the 19th centur>', many older forms of knowledge, systems of values, technologies and skills that were not useful to factory- manufacture, to American and European urban life, and to a growing cla.ss of professional scholars, were dele- gitimated. An example of this is the official de\aluation and delegitimation of medical systems, such as the Greco- Roman-Arabic humoral system, or "Ionian Physics." This system of medicine practiced from the Mediterra- nean to south Asia had a rich pharmacoepia, an experimental tradition, colleges and training centers, a long-lived, vibrant literature, and tens of thousands of trained physician practitioners serving both urban and rural communities. Yet it was devalued by Britisli colonial officials. Because they held power, not a necessarily or demonstrably better science, they were able to decertify local practitioners and institutions. The result was that medical treatment by indigenous physi- cians was lost to many, particularly in rural areas. The relati\ely few locals trained in British medical schools either returned primarily to cities or stayed abroad. The denial of other, in this case, was also a denial of one's own history. Hippocrates himself, the fountainhead of Western medical practice, practiced the humoral sys- tem. Greco-Roman scholars developed the systems pharmacopeia and theory, which, preserved and ex- panded by Arab physicians,was still taught in European imiversities well into the 19th centuiy. Concurrent with the monopolistic a.ssertion of singu- lar, exclusive ways of knowing and forms of kncjwledge, European and American nations invested power in in- stitutions that transcended traditional loyalties. Alle- giance to family, clan, religious sect and tribe might be seen as primordial ba.ses of nationhood, but they had to be ethically superceded for the ,state to function. This transformation was understood as a fundamental shift in the nature of society by .seminal theorists of the late 19th centun,- — from mechanical to organic forms of solidar- ity by Emile Durkheim, from community to association by Ferdinand Tonnies, from status to civil society by Lewis Henry Morgan, from feudalism to capitalism by Max Weber and Karl Marx. The success of this transfor- mation can be seen in the permanency of its non-folk forms of organization — universities and school sys- tems, judicial courts, parliaments and political parties, businesses and unions— which came \.o define particu- lar fields of social action. Less formal types of organiza- tion — church, home, family, elders, neighborhood, club — receded in importance. The success of American and European efforts to develop state institutions — and thereby to overcome the past by devaluing it — were mistakenly taken to justify the ethical superiority of colonizing powers over peoples of Africa, Asia, Oceania and South America. An ideology of social and cultural evolution postulated nec- essary correspondences among technological develop- ment, social organization and cultural achievement. In the view of late 19th century social science, technologi- cally advanced peoples were better organized .socially and superior culturally. Modernity was opposed to tradition and was associated with political power; it was thought to be characteristic of more sophisticated, higher class, adult-like culture, while tradition was asso- ciated with powerlessness and thought to be associated with a simpler, lower class, child-like culture. According to this ideology, the purpose of education, development and cultural policy was for the supposedly deficient, tradition-bound peoples (both foreign and domestic) to follow in the technological, social and cultural footsteps of the advanced and modern. This view has always been and continues to be challenged. Technological "progress" does not mean "better" for everyone. Technological superioriry may indeed mean more efficient production. But it can also mean more efficient destruction. Witness our modern ability for nuclear annihilation. Witness the devastation and pollution of the environment with efficient forest cutting machines and powerful but toxic synthetic chemicals. Witness the breakup of social units, cultural forms and ethical values resulting in part from televi- sion, video and computer games. The comparative efficacy of social systems is difficult to measure. While modern states are often judged positively for their nuclear families, social and geo- graphic mobility and diffuse systems of authority, these forms have a cost. High divorce and suicide rates, urban crime, drug problems, mid-life crises and alienation are in part the prices paid for the type of society we live in. It is difficult if not impossible to say that one culture is better than another. All cultures provide a system of symbols and meanings to their bearers, and in this fimction they are similar. All cultures encourage self- perpetuating, guiding values and forms of aesthetic expression. All cultures encode knowledge, although the ways in which they do so may differ. And when one set of cultural ideas replaces another it is usually a case of knowledge replacing knowledge, not ignorance. The relationship between ethics, power and technol- ogy is also problematic. Progress on technical and social fronts has not been uniform, even in Europe and the United States. Wide discrepancies continue to exist in the accessibility of technological benefits and social opportunities. Within the U.S. and Europe and around the world, the point is easily made that political or coercive power is not necessarily associated with righ- teousness. Modern states have inflicted ethical horrors upon each other— the world wars, for example, do not bespeak of advanced and civilized values. Nor do institutions such as slavery, colonialism, concentration camps and apartheid visited on the so-called "less devel- oped" or "inferior" speak well of ethical or cultural su- periority, as Frederick Douglas, Mohandas Gandhi, Elie Wiesel, Martin Luther King, Jr. , Lech Walesa and Desmond Tutu have clearly demonstrated. American Unity and Di\^rsity Since the early pan of the 20th century, American popular culture has represented this country as a "nation of nations" that employs a "melting pot" or similar crucible to blend or eliminate differences and produce national unity. Henry Ford actually devised a ritual pageant for workers at one of his plants which involved an "Americanization machine." At an appropriate phase of their assimilation. Ford would have workers — mainly from central and eastern Europe— dress in their various national costumes, march onto a stage waving their national flags, and enter the machine. The latter was a large and elaborate stage prop replete with smoke, control levers and gauges. Workers would emerge from this crucible of factory experience dressed in American work clothes and waving American flags. For Ford, Americanization worked, and industry was its engine. Many Americans (Glazer and Moynihan 1963) have long been aware that the "melting pot" was an inade- quate metaphor for American society. For in this melting pot, American Indians were long invisible, African Americans were excluded, and the cultures of others were ignored despite their persistence. Other meta- phors — the American salad, stew, patchwork quilt and rainbow — have been offered as alternatives. But now and in the coming decades Americans will have to confront their own diversity as never before. The demographic shift, combined with heightened con- sciousness of civil and cultural rights will challenge Americans to devise new models of nationhood. Despite such challenges, the ideology of cultural superiority still looms large. International development policy is typically conceived in this mode, although "grassroots-up" and various types of community and "appropriate" development strategies represent alterna- tives that take into consideration locally defined goals, values and institutions. Political efforts to define cultural policy in America have, in some cases, taken a mono- cultural track — "English-language only" initiatives in several states, for example. Some national institutions have also promulgated a monocultural view of Ameri- can society, stressing the overriding importance of a singular, national, homogeneous core culture. For example, a few years ago, the National Endowment for the Arts issued a report Toward Civilization (1988). that promotes arts education as the received wisdom of an elitist Euro-American art history. Folk and non-Western accomplishments and aesthetic ideas are largely absent. The spurious argument about the need for a standard American culture has been made most forcibly by Alan Bloom (1987) in The Closing ofthe American Mind. On one hand Bloom disparages as weak and irrelevant the types of cultural differences expressed by Americans: The 'ethnic' differences we see in the United States are but decaying reminiscences of old differences that caused our ancestors to kill one another. The animating principle, their soul, has disappeared from them. The ethnic festivals are just superficial displays of clothes, dances and foods from the old country. One has to be quite ignorant of the splendid 'cultural' past to be impressed or charmed by these insipid folkloric manifestations... And the blessing given the whole notion of cultural diver- sity in the United States by the culture movement has contributed to the intensification and legitimi- zation of group politics, along with a correspond- ing decay of belief that the individual rights enunciated in the Declaration of Independence are anything more than dated rhetoric. (Bloom 1987:192-93) 10 If such differences are as irrelevant and superficial as Bloom believes, why are they such threats to his monolithic version of national unity? Raising xenopho- bic fears Bloom says, Obviously the future of America can't be sustained if people keep only to their own ways and remain perpetual outsiders. The society has got to turn them into Americans. There are natural fears that today's immigrants may be too much of a cultural stretch for a nation based on "West- ern values. ( Time 1990 135(15 ):3 1 ) Bloom and others think that atten- tion to diversity should be minimized. Education and public discourse based on diversity would not assimilate "minority" populations to the "main- stream." Multiculturalism as a policy would, Bloom fears, undercut national unity. On the other side of the debate are those who argue that institutions should broaden their practices to include the wisdom, knowledge, languages and aesthetics of the many peoples who have contributed to the growth of the nation. Too often the history books and history museums have left out the accomplishments of "minority" peoples. For example, American Indian tribes had created governments, civilizations and humanitarian values long before European conquest — yet they have historically been represented in textbooks as savages. African American contributions to American history — from the development of rice agriculture in the U.S. southeast to the creation of technological inventions — have generally been absent from museums. The sacri- fices of Chinese Americans, who laid the railroad track that crossed the nation in the 19th century, are removed from public historical consciousness. The contributions, insights and wisdoms of many of America's people have simply been ignored in mainstream representations of history and culture (Stewart and Ruffins 1986, Garfias 1989, Tchen 1990). In response to Bloom, several scholars argue that ignoring diversity in the guise of in- tellectual or moral superiority has led to a divided nation and bodes ill for the future ( Tloe GrayivolfA)iniiaI Five 1988). Failure to accommodate diversity contributed to the destruction of numerous American Indian peoples, to the institution of slavery and continuing discrimina- tion against African Americans, and to the forced intern- ment of Japanese Americans during World War II. Internationally, historical attempts to enforce a mono- cultural nationhood and segregate or destroy alternatixe cultural expression has resulted in National Socialism and the Holocaust in Hitler's Germany, Stalinism in the ntnh' III till iiiciviisiii;^!]' iliivrsi' .1 people /mill iiiniunty liiIii lire tu the many sided discourse Ihal is national ciiltn'iv. At the 1989 Festival. Earl Syholni. an Oiihtiayfrom Michigan, and Wni^lil Boiniuiii a Haiiaiuin. discuss iiucsii,,iis ,,f fonii fniKluni and social rallies iii relation to their respec- tire boat making traditions i Photo by Dane Penland. Smithsonian Jiistiliilion i Soviet Union, apartheid in South Africa, and civil wars in Nigeria, Sri Lanka, Cambodia. Nicaragua and a host of other countries. Indeed, there is broad national and international consensus that cultural rights — to wor- ship or not as one chooses, to have one's own beliefs, to express one's own ethnic, cultural or tribal identity, to speak one's own language and to sing one's own song — are central, uni\'ersal human rights. Acceptance of human cultural rights does not mean the end of supra-local or supra-regional political unities. Na- tions and larger federations can have political, legal and moral frameworks that enshrine cultural freedoms. But cultural dominance of one group over another need not be a basic condition of contemporary nations, especially democratic ones. European nations, which as colonial powers squabbled o\er a divided worid, will in 1992 unite — despite the centuries-old differences of language, culture and history that separate them. The prospect of a united Europe, where many people are al- ready multilingual and multicultural, has yet to resonate with Americans. Bi.it demographic changes taking place in the United States, coupled with an increased consciousness of issues of representation — resulting largely from the Civil Rights Movement and those that followed— assure that discussions of cultural unity and diversity will grow in frequency and impor- tance. Cultural Pluralism: From Local To National Levels In many communities across the country, institutions are developing strategies for dealing with culturally diverse neighborhoods, student populations, and work forces. They are trying to resolve the tension between the right to sing one's own song and the need to speak with one's neighbors. In California, 42 percent of the total state population and slightly more than half the students in public schools are of "minority" background. The challenge in education is to adjust curricula, staff, and teaching methods and materials to meet their students' needs in facing the future. Educators who envision a multicultural America have diversified their staff to present the cultural perspectives of a broader range of the population and to provide positive role models for students. Innovative language learning pro- grams, multiple points of view in history, art and music, and imaginative use of community resources and expe- cont. page 13 11 bailey's elementary school — Cultural Pluralism in the 1990s Bailey's Elementary School and its community' is an example of how issues of cultural pluralism may be addressed at the local level in the coming decade. It is a community I know, as resident and PTA president. Bailey's Elementary School is located in the Bailey's Crossroads area of Fairfax County, Virginia. It is a public school with about 530 students from 43 coun- tries speaking some 22 different languages. About 40 percent of the children speak Spanish as their mother tongue. The other most often spoken nati\e lan- guages in the school are English, Cambodian, 'Viet- namese, Urdu, Arabic and Korean. Of the 70 native English speakers, about half are European American, half are African American. The staff, including teachers and administrators is also quite diverse. The cultural diversity' of the students and their families is apparent in neighborhood grocery stores, churches and mosque, and flyers in store windows. Cultural diversity is matched by economic diver- sity. Many parents are recent immigrants from rural areas of El Salvador, Nicaragua and Bolivia, living in relatively low rent apartments and working in un- skilled or semi-skilled jobs, as landscaping and construction laborers, housekeepers, child care providers, and servers at fast-food restaurants. More educated and professionally trained immigrants from Latin America are underemployed, as they support their families while seeking certification or language training that would enable them to exercise their occupational skills. Also in the apartments and nearby in smaller homes, live various other immigrants, mainly from south and southeast Asia. Some started as refugees, earned money in jobs and businesses and bought their own homes. Further away but within a half-mile from the lower rent apartments are luxury apartments, some the dwellings of foreign diplomats, and more expensive residential areas, some with homes in the $200-300,000 range and others with homes worth more than $1 million. Teachers, students and indeed most parents are proud of the diverse nature of the school that is reflected in its books, lessons, field trips and cultural events. Some of the academic programs build upon and address the diversity of student backgrounds. As an example, the school initiated a Spanish language partial immersion program. In mixed classes of native English and native Spanish speakers, 40 first graders learn math, science and art in Spanish and language arts, social studies, music and physical education in English. The English speakers help the Spanish speakers for half the day; they switch roles for the other half. This approach has facilitated language learning in both sets of children, consistent with a body of educational research indicating that such immersion programs result in increased abilities in both native and target languages for all students. The program has spawned other positive side effects. For one, it helped hold more affluent native English speaking parents and their children in the .school by offering a special high quality enhance- ment program. At the same time, it helped legitimate the knowledge that Spanish speaking students, new to the community, could contribute. Instead of being marginalized and told they were deficient, the Span- ish speakers could exhibit leadership roles in class and help their English speaking classmates learn. Role reversal by both sets of students seems quite healthy. Additionally, Spanish speaking teenagers from nearby Stuart High School became involved in the Bailey's program. Some of these teenagers, coming into a high school in 11th or 12th grade from Latin America with little English speaking ability, were, understandably, alienated in their classes. Some were on the verge of dropping out. A timely ar- rangement between the Bailey's and Stuart Spanish language teachers brought the high schoolers into the classroom on a regular basis to help teach, tutor and mentor the first graders in the program. This has now proved to be a great success. The high school students feel they are making a valuable contribu- tion. The first graders get more attention and help in their studies. Instead of encouraging marginalizalion and .stigmatization of people on the basis of language and class, the program has used culture as a resource for ever>'one's education. Yet, in this neighborhood, in one of the wealthi- est counties in the nation, the school is seen as a threat, or a problem by a vocal and sizable minority of older homeowners. They decry the "decline" of the school, complaining about the "lack of White faces" and the wrongheadedness of the Spanish language partial immersion program. The community, they assert, is "decaying" as a result of the alien presence — this despite the fact that the apartments were built well before the suburban subdivisions. Long time residents complain about soccer games, the "loud (Latin) music" played in public, the lack of 'neighbor- 12 liness" or "grounds keeping" exhibited by immigrant residents. Many of these people and others, includ- ing apartment dwellers, are also worried about alco- holism, crime, undocumented and unemployable immigrants, and other issues bearing on the quality of life. These are legitimate causes of concern, but the challenge is always to separate them from racism, fear and the spurious interpretation of facts. These feelings, based in prejudice, lead some people to see a threat to the American way of life, jast because the kids at school are from working class families, have a different color of skin, or speak a different lan- guage. It is interesting to note that in .McLean, only a few miles from Bailey's, very affluent European Ameri- can parents are on a waiting list to enroll their children in a Japanese language partial immersion program. Learning Japanese is not perceived as a threat to American education, but rather as a state-of- the-art program sure to give kids a competitive advantage in the world. The value of the Japanese language program vis-a-vis the Spanish program has nothing to do with the intrinsic grammars, poetics or linguistic attributes of the languages themselves. Instead, language and other cultural expressions may sometimes be valued, and devalued, rather transparently, according to the perceived social status of their bearers. With the support of the county, teachers and administrators at Bailey's are working to use cultural differences in a positive, equitable way to encourage the flowering of ideas and talents from each of its students for the benefit of all its students. cont. from page 11 riences characterize educational strategies which recog- nize cultural pluralism as both educational context and resource. In the workplace, some industrial psychologists and sociologists have seen their task as the management and control of an increasingly diverse labor force. Some strategies entail minimizing expressions of diversity, while others more creatively encourage the develop- ment of new forms of occupational culture. On national and international levels there are strong forces for cultural homogenization. If all consumers can be trained to have the same tastes, for example, product and market development become easier and more pre- dictable. Diversity is more cumbersome and trouble- some to large multinationals when a myriad of differ- ences in taste, attribution of value, and moti\ational goals inform consumer choices. International marke- teers would prefer unanimiry — today, generational, tomorrow, global — on what the "real thing" is and how to become identified with it. On the public side, the United States has no Ministr}' of Culture, no coven of government bureaucrats to craft and promulgate the nation's culture. 'We do not have a national language, a national costume, a national dance, a national food. If we did have a singular national culture, what would it be? National cultural institutions have long played a role of encouraging the peoples of the United States to create their own cultural expres- sions in the context of larger frameworks of free speech and cultural democracy. The National Endowments do this through granting programs. The Smithsonian Insti- tution has recently played a leading role in encouraging cultural pluralism, seeing it as a healthy extension of democratic and populist practices which ultimately strengthen the nation. The Smithsonian has made cultural pluralism in its audience, its exhibits, its re- search, its ideas and its staff a high priority' for the 1990s. lidiiccition in vanous types of settings coiwevs knowledge and aes- thetics ofdirerse cultiirat traditions At the 1989 Festival Leode- gario KeviKi insinitl^ tl'ililivii mi the imihods of coconut leaf wealing ilcrcli'pcd In liliin>iit\ in Huitai i The Festiral is an ciliicatiiiiial jiri^Lcw dijlciviil Jnoii the Llassnnnii and usual mu- seum setting It ivlics ii/niii hiniian interaction and stresses oral, manual and seiisun iiieciii-. fur transmitting insight I Photo by Richard Strauss. Smith\,iniiiii histuution) Issues in a Multicultural Society According to some interpreters of culture, the worid is becoming more homogeneous. The spread of mass, popular commercial culture with a discrete set of television programs and formats, fast food, top music hits, designer jeans and other fashions, and a standard repertoire of consumer goods seems to have engulfed the planet. Modern technology — from television and radio to videocassette recorders, communications satel- lites, modems and fax machines — has seemingly reduced distances between the earth's peoples. We can send our voices and images around the planet in a matter of seconds. Many cultures, as Alan Lomax ( 1977) has ably noted, are in moral and aesthetic danger as a result of this globalization of American mass culture, and as a result of the continued valorization of elite forms of culture. 13 The power and frequency with which mass culture penetrates everyday life can suggest to people that local, grass-roots culture is not valuable. Publicity attending the purchases of masterpieces for multi-million dollar sums can give people the feeling that their own crea- tions are relatively worthless. Some people stop speak- ing their local language, discontinue their art, music, foodways and other cultural expressions in the belief that imitating either mass or elite forms of culture is a route to a better position in the society. Old time music, storytelling, traditional dance, and boatbuilding cease, as do traditional forms of mutual support; a culture begins to die. Cultures need to be conser\'ed. Just as we mourn biological species when they become endangered and die out, so too do we mourn cultures that die. For each culture represents scores of traditions built up, usually over many generations. Each culture provides a unique vision of the world and how to navigate through it. Cultures are best conserved when they are dynamic, alive, when each generation takes from the past, makes it their own, contributes to it and builds a future. Cultural change and dynamism are integral to culture. Cultures were not created years ago to persist forever in un- changing form. Cultures are continually recreated in daily life as it is lived by real people. For this reason, as Breckenridge and Appadurai (1988) suggest, the world is increasingly becoming at once more culturally heterogeneous as well as more homogeneous. New variations of being Indian, for example, arise from cultural flows occasioned by the immigrant experience, tourism and reverse immigra- tion. A Hindu temple, housed in a historic building, is established in Flushing, New York; fast food restaurants featuring an Indian spiced menu are built in New Delhi. New contexts occasion creati%e applications of tradi- Fonimsfor cultural interchange may unite people uhn share a common past, enriching their oum cultural and historical identity. French fiddlers from western France. Louisiana. Quebec. ,\eir Fng- land and North Dakota, separated by centuries of musical and cultural history are united on the National Mall at the 1989 Festi- val. Says Louisiana Cajun fiddler Dewey Balfa. 'If it wasn'tfor the Festival Vd have to travel around the worldfor a generation or tivo to hear this richness and variety ofFrench music. " (Photo by Dane Penland, Smithsonian Institution) tional forms. New culture unlike that previously in New York or New Delhi is created. Technology aids this process. Cheap, easy to use tape recorders, video cameras and the like begin to democ- ratize the power of media. Anyone can make a record- ing or a film, preserve and document their cultural creation and share it with others. A videocassette recorder can be used in India to view Rocky V, but it can also be used to view a home video of a Hindu wedding sent by relatives living in New York. The main issue in a monocultural society— whether relatively small and homogeneous or large and totalitar- ian — is that of control. Who has the power and authority to make culture, to promulgate it and have people accept it? Historically, in colonial situations, the colonizers have tended to dictate cultural choices and definitions of public and state culture. Those colonized accept in general terms the culture, language, garb, or religion of the powerful, and then continue their own ways in various forms of resistance. In this sense, those colonized, subjegated or out of power are often more multicultural than those in power— for it is they that are forced to learn two languages, to dress up and down, to participate in the "mainstream" as well as in their own culture. Individuals from the disempowered learn to be successful in both cultures by code switching— playing a role, speaking and acting one way with the out-group, another way with one's own people. Increasing cultural homogeneity and heterogeneity calls for increa,sed ability' to participate in a variety of cultures — national, religious, occupational, tribal, ethnic and familial — on a daily basis. Code switching and compartmentalization are part of ever>'day life. For example, mainstream forms of language use, comport- ment and dress may be used in school or at work during the day, but may be replaced by a different dialect and st\-le back home in the evening. Religious culture and occupational culture may be compartmentalized by an anthropology professor who teaches evolution during the week and Genesis at Sunday school. As our identi- ties are increasingly multiple— as mothers, as workers, as household heads, for example — and as these identities are continually brought into juxtaposition, people will with greater awareness participate in and draw upon a multiplicity of cukures. Most Americans al- ready eat foods from a variety of culinary traditions — though our palates are generally more multicultural than our minds. And in daily life we are liable to use a variety of languages — including not only "natural" lan- guages but also those of word processing, mathematics and technical fields. One dimensional views of our- selves and others as being members of either this culture or that culture will seem increasingly simplistic, irrele- vant and unimaginative. Individual management of a multiplicity of roles and the cultural forms associated with them will offer new creative potentials for person- 14 ality development, as well as, no doubt, new difficulties. Socially, multiculturalism is a fact of life in many communities. Increasingly, formal institutions must respond to the consequences of a multicultural society. Educational and research organizations will have to facilitate skill in multiculturality. As geographic distance and boundaries become more easily traversed, we will simply have to achieve greater cross-cultural and inter- cultural fluency than we now possess. Monoculturalism, even amongst the most powerful, will be untenable. To be successful, Americans will have to learn about the Japanese, the Soviets, the Chinese, the Muslim world, and many others. And Americans will need greater self- knowledge ifwe are to deal with the increasing diversity of our neighborhoods and institutions. Cultural mono- logues will be out, dialogues or multilogues in, as we get used to the idea that there are different ways of knowing, feeling and expressing. As differences in perspective are institutionalized, our museums, schools, workplaces and other organizations will become richer, more multilayered and complex, informed by alterna- Ciiltitrat groups hnnight into amttict fiinl iiiul explore resonances in their tnuiitinns At the J9SS Fcstnril. Ituhan anil Portuaiiese Americans frniii MassaJtnsetts /'iiraile<l their scants on the Mall to the aCLoinfiaiiiiih'nt <>! hni\< iiuiixhini; lunuly miuh as thcv <lo in Boston saliihlnraiis. als,,<,ii the Mall as fart •! the Wiishiif^tnn. DC. Festival program. maJe fl'or Jraiciiii^s in -.airiliist for the saints to process upon — a latin .\nierican Iriulilwn .1 nniliially reinforcing and enlightening ilialngiie helireen the tiro Iraditions occurred as the groups figured out" hoiv to participate in each others' culture. (Photo by Dane Penland. Smithsonian Institution) Cultural resonances may transi.end great historical and geo- graphic distances. Russians have a repertoire of traditional greeting songs for saints which they rarely use. At the 1988 Festival, ivhen Italian and Portuguese Americans from Massachusetts paraded their saints past the Soviet program, the Russians broke into appro- priate song andfestive dance, then some cried and embraced the paraders (Photo by laurie Minor. Smithsonian histitutionl tive, juxtaposed and newly synthesized varieties of aesthetic and conceptual orientations. The authority to speak and to know will be increas- ingly more widely distributed. Those who are tradition- ally studied, observed and written about may reverse roles. This is illustrated by the experience of Tony Seeger, a cultural anthropologist and curator of Smith- sonian Folkways Records who did his fieldwork in the Brazilian rainforest among the Suya Indians. On his first trip in 1971, he recorded Suya songs and narrative in an effort to understand why the Suya sing. His book. Why Suya Sing (1987), is a masterful, scholarly attempt to interpret the significance of song in that culture. When Seeger returned to the field in 1980, the Suya had acquired tape recorders of their own. They were record- ing and listening to their own songs, as well as those from afar. As Suya themselves became cultural investi- gators, they recorded the banjo picking Seeger and wanted to know why he also sings. The role of the Festival of American Folklife in an increasingly diverse and multicultural society is to promote cultural equity, which is an equitable chance for all cultures to live and continue forward, to create and contribute to the larger pool of human intellectual, artistic and material accomplishment. The Festival fos- ters a general sense of appreciation for cultures so what they speak, know, feel and express may be understood. The Festival is a collaborative engagement that fosters dialogue or multilogue between community, self and others. Rather than encourage monocultural competi- tions, the Festival creates the time and space for cultural juxtapositions, where bearers of differing cultures can meet on neutral ground to experience the richness of making meaning, as well as the similarities that make them all human. The Festival rests upon a moral code that affirms the cultural right to be human in di\erse v,ays. People of different cultures must not continually find their culture 15 devalued, their beliefs delegitimated and their kids being told they are not good enough. For official standards come and go very quickly and are often tied to a particular history and exercise of power. Rather, we should respect the generations of knowledge, wisdom and skill that build a culture, and the excellences nurtured therein, so that, as Johnetta Cole, cultural anthropologist and president of Spelman College says, "We are for difference. For respecting difference. For allowing difference. Until difference doesn't make any more difference" (Cole 1990). Richard Kiihn is Acting Director of the Office of Fulklife Programs at the Smithsonian Institution and a Professorial Lecturer of Social Change and Develop- ment at TheJohns Hopkins University Nitze School of Advanced International Studies. He is a cultural an- thropologist with Ph.D. from the University ofChicago who has done most ofhis work in India and Pakistan. He curated and coordinated Meldl An Indian Fair and Aditi: A Celebration of Life in 1985. Hefirst worked on the Festival ofAmerican Folklife in 1976. Tl:>e R'sliral of .American Folklife. like all events, is a moment in histoiy Here, the kinf^ of Ghana's Ga people meets a Rastafarian from /aiiuiiLii '<e/kiriileil hy an ocean anil scleral hnmlrcd years of history //>/. fi.S'i iiiccIiiim on the .Mall en,i;en,lcrc,l inlcifrcta- tions anil ciiioiions for both i.;n:iil» ofpeople ll'hoi,, hy Kuk Var- gas. Smithsonian Institution) New and rich types of cultural creations and negotiations are likely to arise from the juxtapositions of cultures and their exemplars. Marie McDonald is one of Hairaii's foremost traditional lei makers. Although there is a traditional lei for royalty Mane hail neivr made one. as the last Hainiiian king died in I'm >' she da ideil to make such a lei to honor the risil of the Ga king lo the h'estiral site in 19S'> .\fler iihiking the royal lei negotiations ria walkie-talkie enahled .Mane and the Ga king to da ide on hoir the lei would he presented After consultation with his adrisors and holy man. the king decided to follow Hawaiian custom, receiving the lei over his head and a kissfrom Marie. This teas folknved hy a handshake. (Photo by Jeff Tinsley. Smithsonian Institution) 16 Citations AND Further Readings Bloom, Alan. 1987. The Closing of Ihe American Mind. New York: Simon and Schuster. Breckenridge, Carol and Arjun Appadurai. 1988. Editors' Comments. Public Culture l(l):l-4. Cultural Sunnval Quarterly. 1982. 6(2). Theme issue: Deforestation: The Human Costs. 1984. 8(3). Theme i.ssue: Hunters and Gatherers. 1987. 11(1). Theme issue: Grassroots Economic Development. Cole, Johnetta. 1990. Quoledm AUTbings Consid- ered news feature on Spelman College. National Public Radio. March 8. Garfias, Robert. 1989. Cultural Diversity and the Arts in America: The View for the 90s. Unpublished report to the National Endowment for the Arts. Glazer, Nathan and Daniel Moynihan. 19^3. Be- yond the Melting Pot: ne Negroes. Puerto Ricans. Jews. Italia>!s and Irish of New York City. Cambridge: MIT Press. The GraywolfAnnual Five: Opening of the Ameri- can Mind. 1988. St. Paul: Graywolf Press. Lomax, Alan. 1977. An Appeal for Cultural Equity. Journal of Communication. National Endowment for the Arts. 1988. Toward Civilization. Seeger, Anthony. 1987. WhySuya Sing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Time. 1990. Beyond the Melting Pot, 135( 15):28-35. Stewart, Jeffrey and Faith Ruffins. 1986. A Faithful Witness: Afro-American Public History in Historical Perspective, 1828-1984. In Presenting the Past: Essays on History and the Public, eds. Susan Benson, Stephen Brier and Roy Rosenzweig. Philadelphia: Temple Uni- versity Press. Tchen, John Kuo Wei. 1990. Notes on U.S. History Museums: Institutional Practices, Collective Memory and Racial Identity Formation. For Museums and Communities conference sponsored by the Smith- sonian Institution and the Rockefeller Foundation. 17 folklife of the u.s. virgin islands: Persistence and Creativity Olivia Cadaval Despite many challenges, folklife is still a creative resource in the lives of many U.S. Virgin Islanders. Virgin Islands' folklife is the legacy of generations who brought cultural traditions from Africa, Europe and elsewhere, adapted those traditions to meet local needs, and combined them with those of other cultures in vibrant and use- ful new forms. Although unique, the development of traditional culture in the Virgin Islands has been affected by the same histori- cal movements and social prac- tices that have shaped other Carib- bean societies. This development can be understood within the his- tory and geography of the Carib- bean as a whole. The Caribbean Context Mo.st islands in the Caribbean Sea are mountaintops created by great volcanic eruptions along a planetary seam that arches from Florida to South America. These were the lands Columbus first "discovered" and claimed for the Spanish empire when he came to what would later be called the "New World." Preoccupation with gold and other grand riches made subsequent Spanish settlements in the Caribbean merely staging areas for Spain's colonization of the American mainland. This approach to exploiting the new territo- ries left room in the Caribbean for colonization by other European nations. The infamous triangular ofproduction together in Commercial entrepreneurs working in league with European governments developed the flatter parts of islands into plantations. Indigenous peoples — Caribs, Arawaks, and others — were driven off or enslaved if they did not die of the foreign diseases brought from Europe. Some islands were al- most completely cleared of native vegetation for cultivation of cash crops, transforming them into ag- ricultural production units in a worldwide system of economic exchange. On other islands, en- slaved workers u.sed land unsuit- able for cash crops as provision grounds, or gardens, for growing food. An infamous triangular trade linked the Caribbean islands (and later, South and North America) with western Africa and Europe. Manufactured goods from Europe were exchanged by European and .'African slave traders for people captured in western Africa. Those Africans who survived the pas.sage across the Atlantic chained in ships were sold as slaves, on the island of St. Thomas and elsewhere. The slave owners who bought them did so with profits made from plantation grown and processed sugar, molas.ses and rum. These Caribbean products were shipped to Europe to meet the necessities of a newly urbanized labor force. Profits realized in the European sale could purchase trade goods bound again for Africa and the trade in slaves. The plantation system itself, which combines mini- trade linked differefit mode a world system The U.S. Virgin Islandsprogram has been madepossible by the Honorable GoventorAlexanderA . Fatrelly. the Office ofthe Governor, the 18th Legislature ofthe Virgin Islands, the Department ofEconomic Development and Agriculture, Division ofTourism, Department ofPlanning and Natural Resources, the Virgin Islands Council on The Arts, Paradise Motors, Inc., Little Switzerland, Virgin Islands AT&T, West Indian Company Ltd., and other corporate sponsors. 18 mal cost and maximal control of labor with large scale production of a single crop, was invented by the Portuguese for use in their island possessions off the coast of Africa. In the Caribbean, the slave plantation reached its potential for both profitability and human de.structiveness. It was a complex in.stitution, with a diversified and stratified labor force, international fi- nancing, and a developed body of management theor\'. Enslaved persons defied the practices of slavery by whatever means available. Organized rebellions began to sweep most colonies within a decade after the arri\al of the first slave ships. The first insurrection of enslaved African runaways, who came to be called Maroons, took place in 1^22 in Santo Domingo against the Span- ish. Jamaican Maroons ha\e a long tradition of resistance and have built the longest continu- ously surviving communities. In the then Danish Virgin Islands, a successful but short-lived revolt on St. John in 1733 permanently stunted plantation slavery on that island. The system was reformed after a revolt in St. Croix in 18-i8 when sla\'er}- was declared illegal by the Danish crown. After that entrepreneurs secured the labor of persons already resident in the Caribbean by means of contracts. These contracts granted workers rights and living standards little better than those obtained during slavery. Many former slaves did not become contract labor- ers. Instead, they practiced agricultural and craft skills learned from a variety of African and European sources, 'i'he free airal and urban communities they built were developments of .social forms that had existed during slavery but outside of and in resistance to it. Caribbean island-born or Creole cultures developed to meet the challenges of this historical experience. These cultures emerged, as did those in many other areas of intense European colonization, through creoli- zation, a process of cultural amalgamation that results in identifiably new forms. Built on African foundations and framed with Eurcpean social forms, they were constRicted by .strong, active, creative people who lived in complex relationships to European derived and dominated institutions. In the Caribbean, people cre- ated distinct cultures on different islands because of ihhcuii irilh iiii variations in the nature and extent of continuing en- counters with native peoples, Europeans, Africans, Asians and later, with the bearers of Creole cultures from other islands. The U.S. Virgin Islands: Cultural and Historical Background The Virgin Islands, U.S. and British, are geographi- cally part of the Lesser Antilles, a chain of small islands east of Puerto Rico colonized and ruled primarily by the English, Dutch, Danish and French. The U.S. Virgin Islands are a closely grouped archipelago of o\er 50 mountainous islands, most of which are not presently in- habited. St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix are the three major is- lands. Columbus named the group 'Las Islas Virgenes" in honor of the Swedish St. Ursula and her legend- ary army of 11,000 martyred vir- gins.' On his .second voyage in 1493, Columbus records that his ship briefly anchored at the mouth of the Salt River in St. Croix. He and his men were attacked by Carib Indians and fled eastward toward Puerto Rico. Colonization of the Virgin Islands did not begin until the 17th century and then only sporadically with English, Spanish, French and Dutch involvement. The Danes es- tablished their first foothold on what is now the U.S. Virgin Islands when the Danish West India Company received a rcjyal charter for the island of St. Thomas in l(i71. Under the leadership of the governor of St. Thomas, Denmark occupied St. John in 1717, and St. Croix was purchased from the French in 1733. In 1917, the United States purchased the islands from Denmark to use as a naval base to protect Panama Canal traffic from possilile German attack. In the LI.S. Virgin Islands the earliest European settlers were English, Dutch, and French, but the largest immigrant population was originally from Ghana and other pans of West Africa. Old family names reflect Danish and Spanish ancestry as well as some Italian, Irish, Lithuanian, Polish, German and Russian heritage. A Sephardic Jewish population from the Dutch Islands et ufihc VS VirtiDi Islaih/s ' According to The Penguin Dictionary of Saints (Middle.sex, England: Penguin Book.s, Inc., 1965), 333-.S34, the legend goes back to the 4th or 5th century when Ursula, to avoid an unwanted marriage, departed with her maiden companions from Britain, where her father was king. On their way back from a visit to Rome, they were slaughtered by the Huns in Cologne. By the 9th century the legendary number of martyred maidens had grown to thousands. 19 relocated in St. Thomas in tiie 1790s and established the Hebrew Congregation of St. Thomas, the second oldest synagogue in the hemisphere. Moravian missionaries were invited to the islands to educate and Christianize enslaved Africans in the early 18th century and played a major role in the development of the local culture. The Moravians acknowledged the importance of local lan- guage by translating the Bible into Dutch Creole. Labor- ers from the mideast and India came to the islands as contract laborers after the Danes abolished slavery' in 1848. Principal economic activity in the Virgin Islands historically centered around two institutions: the port, exemplified by St. Thomas, and the plantation, exempli- fied by St. John and St. Croix. While port and plantation complemented each other, they had different kinds of economic needs and provided different kinds of oppor- tunities; they formed different contexts in which cultural forms developed. The port required a labor force that moved the articles of commerce. It fostered urban living, growth of an artisan class, and a cosmopolitan perspective. The organization of plantation life ser\'ed the cultivation and processing of sugar. In many places, enslaved workers were allowed to till small plots of land to provide food for themselves and sometimes for the planter's household. Working these gardens, slaves practiced traditional horticultural skills, acquired new ones, and established an exchange economy among themselves. Some managed to buy their freedom with money raised from selling their crops. While patterns of mutual support evolved in the plantations among en- slaved workers, freemen tended to associate with the planter society and often moved to the ports. Danish rule was marked by political neutrality. They were usually uninvolved in the European conflicts that spilled over into the colonies. St. Thomas, with its deep, safe, and neutral harbor, developed into a major inter- national free port. Neighboring peoples often sought a.sylum in the Danish islands, as in the case of Tortolans fleeing from English attacks. Economic opportunities attracted "free coloureds" from other islands. "Free In her home in St. John. Mrs. Louise Sewer prepares whist-. making a basket (Photo by Karen Samuel) coloured" was the legal term used by the Danish for enslaved persons with African ancestry who had been granted or had purchased their freedom, and for the children born to free women with African ancestry. Slaves could be given their freedom by their masters throughout the Caribbean. Under the Danes, slaves could also buy their freedom. The diverse national origins of settlers, the formation of different socio-economic classes which sometimes cut across racial divisions, and migrations between islands have all contributed to the unique character of U.S. Virgin Islands. Creolized traditions have evolved in a spectacular variety of forms that can be seen to define an Afro-European cultural spectrum. In the area of music and dance, an African call-and-response legacy shapes the song tradition of cariso. while a European influence predominates in quadrille dancing. Basket- making traditions introduced by Moravian missionaries ha\e a recognizable European style also found in baskets made in Appalachia. Some traditions like moko jiimbie stilrwalking and calypso singing were devel- oped elsewhere in the Caribbean but are now part of the U.S. Virgin Islands culture. Some of these forms from other islands remain distinct, but most have been given a Virgin Islands imprint. The styles and traditions distinctive to the Islands are what Virgin Islanders call 20 their native culture. In the context of Caribbean creo- lization, the concept of native is thereby given a new meaning. Native culture here means an ernergent, continuously evolving, local Creole culture that is dis- tinct from similar cultures of other islands. This native culture absorbs and reworks cultural practices which came and are still coming from both outside and within the Caribbean. St. Thomas In 1666, the Danish crown chartered the Danish West India Company to occupy and take possession of St. Thomas. However, the first European settlers, as on most other Virgin Islands, were English or Dutch. Strategically located at the head of the chain of the Lesser Antilles with the Atlantic Ocean on one side and the Caribbean Sea on the other, St. Thomas is endowed with a deep and protected harbor. It was a principal site in the trade of manufactured goods, enslaved human beings and sugar products between Europe, Africa and the Americas. The island became a central holding place for slaves brought from the African Gold Coast. The port prospered as trading schooners constantly sailed in and out of the harbor exporting sugar, indigo, spices, cotton, grain, tobacco, and fruits, and importing and transhipping manufactured goods and slaves. Because of Danish neutrality during the 17th century- European wars and St. Thomas' good harbor and location, the island became a haven for pirates, many of whom became legendary figures and left their names to mark the landscape. Tourists stop and gaze from Drake's Seat and visit Blackbeard's and Bluebeard's castles, now incorporated into hotels. Initially, St. Thomas had tobacco and cotton planta- tions. They were, in the most part, replaced by sugar by 1765. But by 1815 the island's value as a trading hub came to dominate its economy and culture. Most St.Thomians came to see their traditions centered around the urban marketplace, international trade, and city life- styles in the deep water port of Chadc:)tte Amalie. In an expanding economy dominated by energetic, cosmo- Childreit play in Ihv lUv, \,iitl 111 < 1950 (Photo hy CUiutie Miilunn) ii,.llc Aiiuihc. .s/ Thi loe Let Place, a French fisheniuiii fnfiii Sr Viomas. ncinates a f>e>soiuil experience (Pholu hy Mtirm Picayo) politan merchants, an urban class of workers and artisans— including a growing free Black population— built the grand residences and shouldered the work of transport and craftsmen's trades. Urban neighborhoods developed. These were a center of social life and helped define the character of Chariotte Amalie. Savanne, one of the eadiest of these neighborhoods, lives in island memory as the epitome of urban native culture. The cultural complexity of the island increased as mi- grants arrived from other islands for political and economic reasons. The vital communities of French fishermen of Frenchtown and the French farmers in the Northside, now recognized as native, were formed by settlers who emigrated in the 1860s from St. Barthelemy, known locally as St. Barths. Historian Antonio Jarvis relates how they first came to the island: Shortly after slavery was abolished, in 1848, two members of the LaPlace family left St. Barths for St. Thomas of which they had heard a great deal. These young men found that Chadotte Amalie was still a very bu,sy port but they noticed also that the natives neglected the land; the green hillsides were already uncultivated and copse-grown; so, instead of engag- ing in fishing, they thought they might do better by supplying vegetables to the people of the city. These LaPlace boys soon climbed over St. Peter Mountain and Crown and discovered that Barret and Hull estates were good sites for farms, and more fertile than other areas. They worked for three years until they were no longer renters, but owners of the land. On off-days they caught fish, as it was a quick cash crop. After three years of living in St. Thomas, they decided to make a trip back to St. Barthelemy to get the gids they had left behind. It hardly took any time for Trudi and Doni LaPlace to marry and find twenty other adventurers willing to go back to St. Thomas. This was the beginning of a continuous migration, stopped only by the United States immigration laws. (Jarvis 1944: 54-55) Distinct French communities continue. Known as "Frenchies," those who live in Frenchtown are primarily 21 fishermen and boat builders, though most of the work they now do is repair. The traditional form is the pirogue, a dugout canoe carved from a tree taink. In Frenchtown backyards, fishpots are made and mended. Frenchies who live on the north side of the island come to the market early on Saturday to sell their herbs, faiits and vegetables. French woven straw hats and baskets are still made by a few women in Frenchtown, but in earlier times, almost all women made their own. Married women wore a calecbe, a shoulder length headdress of plaited straw covered with white cloth, resembling hats worn by peasant women in Brittany. Men also wore distinc- tive hats. Even today, most older women keep rolls of plaited grass from St. Earths to make hats for Sunday or special occasions. In the late 19th centuiy, when steamships replaced sailing vessels, St. Thomas became less important as a trading port. But it continued to be an important coaling station, or fuel stop, for coal-powered ships until the 1930s. Older Virgin Islanders still remember coaling times when men and women carried baskets of coal on their heads to the docks. They were given a "tally, " a coin which could be cashed in for two cents, for each basket. Traditional sea shant>'s still heard today, like "Roll Isabella Roll," comment on the tally days and the exploitation of the coal carriers: Roll Isabella roll, oh roll Isahclki roll. Roll Isabella roll, the clanui shopkeepers got the island doiv)i . Went to the shop with a qiiartter) to buy fifteen cent thing. When I looked in me hand, the damn shopkeeper give me tallyfor change. Although it is no longer a shipping center, St. Thomas is still a busy port Cruise ships dominate its harbor, and tourists replace the traders of earlier times. But aspects of traditional island life persist. The combination of pon town lifestyles and enduring cultural heritage, together with a constant flow of ideas and people from the outside, have made St. Thomians at once cosmopolitans and keepers of tradition. Fishermen still go out at dawn in Hull Bay and sell their catch by the docks. Fishpots are made and mended in the back yards of homes. The northside French farmers continue to grow herbs and vegetables in terraced gardens. Johnny cake and fry fish are fried in coal pots at the beach on Sunday. Women prepare traditional cakes and candy, and men and women make guavaberr\' wine for holidays. Yoimg people are still taught hand crafts, many of which were introduced by the Moravian missionaries. And songs based on traditional forms continue to be composed; a number of calypso songs about the recent hurricane, Hugo, were submitted to a "Hugo Song Contest" spon- sored by local radio station "Lucky 13." St. John A little over two miles from St. ThcMiias, St. John became part of the Danish crown in the early 1700s. St. John was first acquired to expand sugar cultivation, but the plantations did not last long. One of the earliest and initially successful slave rebellions in the Caribbean took place in St. John in 1733- That same year the island was devastated by drought and a hurricane. Many plantations were destroyed, and many plantation owners returned to Europe. Freed Blacks from other islands acquired .some of the land and attempted to revitalize the sugar plantations. Although sugar cultivation con- tinued for some time, it never became as extensive as it had been before the rebellion. From the mid- 19th to the mid-20th century, there emerged a new class of estate owners who, though landowners, were relatively poor and less powerful than those in the larger colonial system. They had only limited need for laborers and cultivated smaller plots of land. As the plantation system declined, plantation laborers continued to sustain their peasant society on the fringes of the plantations by gardening for subsis- tence and internal trade. According to anthropologist Karen Fog Olwig, the provision grounds allotted to slaves for their own subsistence enabled them to de- velop a system of production and distribution that outlived the plantation (Fog Olwig 1987: 6-7). To this day, a social infrastructure resists exploitation from the outside, supported by a traditional subsistence economy and cooperative behavior. Guy Benjamin, a local historian and educator, recalls his growing up in his book Me and My Beloved Virgin St. John U.S.A. (1981:1 ), "Ea.st End was a self-sustained village. We had our cows, goats, pigs, chickens, fish and seafood, sea- grapes from the shore, fruits from the land, our school, and six or seven sailboats to go to St. Thomas for all our desires." The community's eleven families shared the work in hard times and in good times. Fishing, gardening, charcoal making, masoniy, herbal healing and traditional cooking, all support a vital local Mrs. .Marguerita Fretl stretches, shapes, and twists "/tiirhniie" c«inly on a marble slab as chililreii aii.xiously await the ciittinf> and cool- ing of this hiinwmaile treat (Photo by Janet Burton) 22 exchange system augmented by an inter-islanel trade. Benjamin recalls the first motorboat he ever saw, "Eveiy week the Adella went to St. Thomas with her load of cows and returned filled to her gunwales with sugar, flour, matches, oil, lard, butter, fat pork, salted beef, rice and cornmeal" (Benjamin 1981: 28). Although gardeners, fishermen, basketmakers and others invc^lved in traditional occupations are now turning to the tourist industry for a living, they resist the destruction of their identity, persist in their traditicjns, and transform foreign lifestyles into their own. Miss Lucy earns her living touring visitors around St. John in her flower-decorated taxi. She drives visitors from one end of the island to the other on the recently paved road which connects the more commercial port of Cmz Ba\' on the western end with the more traditional East End and Coral Bay. She stops by the sugar apple, gua\a, coconut and genip trees explaining their cultural, culinary and medicinal importance. A tour of the island with such a guide is a trip into the tales of the island, the lore of the "bush" or wild herbs, and a history of its communities and culture. Like tourism, the dominant presence of the i\atit)nal Park Service has greatly affected the daily life and culture of St. Johnians. In 1956 the National Park Ser\ice acquired two-thirds of the island from Laurance Rockefeller as a national park. This acquisition has generated mixed feelings among St. Johnians. On the one hand, the Park Service has protected the land from massive tourist development. On the other hand, St. Johnians lack full access to the land resources which are critical to the continuity of their lifestyle and craft traditions. St. Croix St. Croix, the only island of the three principal LIS. Virgin Islands with large areas suitable for farming, became a classic Caribbean planter .society. Intrigue and conflict among the Dutch, English and French gave the island its claim to seven flags. Denmark bought it from the French, who had abandoned it when they ordered all inhabitants removed to the then booming plantations of the island of St. Domingue (which be- came Haiti). After the Danish purchase, and because of the Danes' lack of interest in settling there, English and Dutch settlers from St. Thomas and St. John and from the "down islands" to the east — St. Kitts, Nevis and Barbados— were invited to start estates, the local name for plantations. A "free coloured" class is mentioned in documents as early as 1744, some of whom became estate owners. The Danes wavered about emancipation, but a liberal Danish governor, Peter von Scholten, declared the end of slavery during a major slave uprising in I84S. After emancipation, liberated slaves were replaced on the plantations by contract Viorkers from the down islands. Migrants frcjm Nevis, St. Kitts, Barbados, and Antigua brought with them dramatic and narrative traditions, including "tea meetings" and "masquerade jigs," which were incorporated into the Cnician cultural repertoire. A tea meeting was a community social event that included an oratory contest and a talent show. The tea meeting was charged with pomp and humor. Partici- pants challenged each other's oratorical skills and knowledge of history and current events. Masquerading is a long established tradition on the island. On holidays, small costumed groups would "dance masquerade" from estate to estate, singing and jesting as they went. The procession concluded in town, in either Christiansted or Frederiksted. Today this tradition has been transformed into an organized town parade. A "masquerade jig" is the fancy footwork danced by some of the masquerade trcuipes. Masquerading dance traditions survive in Cmcian dance music. One of these forms is quadrille, a tradition introduced in the 19th century- by European planters, which became very important in Caician social life. Once held on the estates imcler palm-thatched shelters, today's dances can be found in St. Gerald's Hall in Frederiksted accompanied by "fungi" or "scratch" bands. Fungi is named for a traditional dish that combines a \ariety of available ingredients, so the fungi band— also called scratch because of a gourd "scratched" for peicussion — brings together a variety of instruments including fife, drums, banjo, bass, tmmpet, bass guitar. Instruments change according to band. Both fimgi stew and a fungi band have a down-home, informal st^'le. Cariso and calypso songs comment on current events and individuals, voice complaints and take sides in ctjntroversies. Cariso's praise and derision came to the islands with slavery. Its extemporaneous composition and flattering or satirical content make cariso the forerunner of contemporary calypso. Immigrant groups A scriitch hciinl pfifanns trculUunial ijiiclhi? music. iiuUfieiunis to the \'ii:i>:ii h/iiiiih Fniiii U'/l !<• n^hl tlh' inslniDiriits div Si/iuish Isliii/lI'i. •^iiiliir cliiivy r/>i'lliiii fnpf tj-,^ ]iipci, ciihl iik'i'lclc iPhnt., L-niiUcsv the \uii Scholten ('nllcaim,. Eiiul liiui Piihhc Lihniiy mill Aycbiivs, St Tljoiiius. \'irf^iii hlciiuls) 23 Ill the 1930s, wiirkel rciulurs inspecl/iv^h ImirisKnis recently arrivedfrom neighboring islane/s. Trade with adjacent islands still creates spontaneous marketplaces like this one on the wharf in Christiansted. St. Croix. (Photo bv RaymondJacobs ) have often been cariso's target. For example, the cariso song "Me Mother Had Tell Me Not to Marry No Bobajan" warns girls about the "Bobajans" or "Bajans" — men from Barbados who came to work in large numbers after emancipation. A Cnician cariso singer commented on the rhetorical power of the songs in an interview: "When you did anything that was wrong, they look at you from head to foot — and they composed a song about you. And that lasts forever. Even though you die, somebody remembers the song." In 1878 a rebellion now commemorated as "Fire- burn," because half the town of Frederiksted was burned down, erupted in reaction to desperate eco- nomic conditions and restrictive post-emancipation labor laws. Mary Thomas or "Queen Mary," a canefield worker and one of the leaders of the rebellion, is celebrated in cariso songs. The following stanza, still popular among cariso singers, praises Queen Mar\''s readiness to die for her cause: Queen Mary - 'tis where you going to hum- Queen Mary^ - 'tis where you going to bum- Don 't tell me nothing fall Justfetch the match and oil Bassin (^ChTisiiansted) Jailhouse, 'tis irhere I'm going to bum. Other aspects of Crucian life and history also become themes for songs — conflicts with estate managers and foremen, the economic hard times in the 1950s, horse- racing and, most recently, hurricane Hugo. Many a calypso was written about hurricane Hugo and per- formed during the traditional celebration of the Day of the Kings this year. Although calypso developed in Trinidad, it has assumed a distinct style in the Virgin Islands. Calypsonian Mighty Pat assessed the situation after the hurricane in his song: When I looked around and saw the condition of our Virgin Island. I tell myselfadvantage can 't done. One day you rich. Next day you poor. One day you up the ladder. Next day you crawling on thefloor. Beauty is skin deep: material things is for a time. A co)Tupted soul willfind no peace of mind. I think that is all our gale Hugo was trying to say to all mankind. As in St. John, cane workers survived on crops and animals raised on provision grounds of the large estates. Richard A. Schrader, Sr. describes these grounds in his history, Notes ofa Crucian Son-. The nega ground on the estates' land was truly a blessing. From it came: tanya, yam, okra, water- melon, cabbage, corn, cassava, pumpkin, potato and even kallalloo for the Crucian kitchen table. For saltin (meat) the people raised chickens, hogs, goats and sheep. A few people owned milking cows. But most favored goat milk and raised their children on it. Beef was produced by the big land owners with large herds of cattle. (Schrader 1989: 31) Sugar cultivation continued into the 1960s although the economy had begun to shift with the opening of the Hess oil refinery, the Martin Marietta alumina plant, and a boom in tourism that continued to draw immigrants from the down islands. Immigrants from the mainland U.S., known in the islands as "continentals," came in at this time as school teachers for the mushrooming migrant population and later moved into hotel and restaurant management work. Much farm land has now become grazing fields for beef and dairy cattle and goats. Rastafarian communities from Jamaica (and later native born) began to settle in the area in the 1970s, cultivating vegetable gardens as others turned to .service occupations. Puerto Ricans, now a significant part of the popula- tion, came primarily from the islands of Culebra and Vieques to work as cane cutters. After less than a generation, many have become government workers and small businessmen. Although they are established in their new communities, like many of the other immigrants they maintain a link with their homeland. It Virgin Islands rum factory workers bottle and label eiiii,iii h'li. before it is distributed to local ami international markets iFbi by Jewel Ross Sage) 24 has become traditional for the mayor of Vieques to take a boat to St. Croix on "Friendship Day" to commemorate the ties between Crucians and Puerto Ricans. During the Christmas season, families visit between islands in parranda or holiday serenading traditions. Puerto Rican traditions both from the European and African ends of the Caribbean cultural spectaim have become part of Crucian culture. Among these are baquine or songs for children's wakes, and the rosario cantao sung in the highlands of Puerto Rico in the month of May, the month of the flowers, for the Day of the Cross: Mayo florido. Blossoming May, Mes de lasflores - Month of the flowers - Aqiii te cantan. To you they sing, Los trovadores. The troubadours. A traditional Puerto Rican song form, the plena, also thrives in St. Croix and provides social commentaiy much like cariso and calypso. U.S. Virgin Islands and The Festival Native cultural patterns represent both historical continuities and an ever changing pattern of adaptations and amalgamations. Several key values and orienta- tions continue to characterize local culture in the Virgin Islands. Chief among these is education. Islanders also honor skill: with words, with crafts, in work. "Throwing words" is a highly valued verbal skill characteristic of the Caribbean in general— the ability to contend effectively with vv'ords in social, ceremonial and competitive situ- ations. As described by Roger Abrahams, The range of verbal repertory includes the ability to joke aggressively, to 'make war' with words by insult and scandal pieces, to tell Ananzi stories (any kind of folk tale), and to make speeches and toasts appropri- ate to ceremonial occasions. (Abrahams 1983: 57) Expressive forms are as vital in everyday life as in Salvacliir Friiiiiisii. Aiiuhli'r I'cli.w Sitnlas I'jiciinuiLU'iii iiinl i ,cih Ortiz reheane I'lieHu Ricliii ii'lkim tiiiies in Ihcir hat.kyan/ iii St Croix I Photo by Daniel Sheehyl rituals and celebrations. On the three islands there are also rich traditions of local histor\- and personal narra- tives. Another value islanders hold in common is what they call "good manners." These go beyond politeness in the appropriate recognition of another person upon meet- ing and before engaging in social or business conversa- tion. Good manners are learned in the home and reinforced in school. Richard Schrader remarks: Manners and respect, a common theme in school, continually rang in our ears, and were hammered into our brains at home. 'Yoh must always have manners and never be disrespectful to older people. Respect and manners is a passport that can take yoh through this world,' my parents would say. (Schrader 1989: 21) Family ties reinforce cultural unity between islands. It is not unusual to have family from at least two of the three islands. This is most evident at Christmas time when serenaders go from house to house visiting family and friends, bringing cheer with the "Guavaberry Song." Today they travel on safari busses through St. Thomas and St. John, and last year they included St. Croix. These cultural values currently face a new set of challenges. Virgin Islanders have hi.storically struggled to control their destinies and define their own lifestyles, values and aspirations. Exertion of cultural control, even when enslaved, is represented to this day by such forms as cariso, calypso and storytelling, in foodways and the practice of "bush" or herbal medicine, in the traditional occupations of fishing, charcoal making and masonry. Currently, Virgin Islanders, as people through- out the United States, and indeed the world, face the challenges of mass popular culture, tourist culture, and the multiple cultures of new immigrants. How can Virgin Islanders appropriate and revitalize mass culture without falling into the tourist industry's definitions of native culture? To what cultural forms will the ongoing creative process of amalgamation between native and immigrant cultures give birth? John Kuo Wei Tchen, in an address entitled "Race and Cultural Democracy," presented at the Smithsonian Institution's Martin Luther Kingjr. celebration last year, addresses the pluralistic nature of American society. His observation that ethnic groups in the U.S. "have shared histories" and 'interwoven identities" seems equally descriptive of communities on the three American Virgin Islands. These cultural identities, he continues, are both "constructed and multi-faceted." The U.S. Virgin Islands Festival program thus not only presents the "interwoven identities" of the islands, but ine.scapably becomes part of the process of constructing them. The program has been researched and designed by scholars and community members of the three islands in collaboration with the curator and Office of Folklife Programs staff. Researchers have documented 25 In her yard in St Croix. Mrs. Lia ilk- Ruhcrts l uls a siinarcunf slcilk forfamilv andfriends (Photo by MatyJane Smile) traditions tiiat have been maintained informally over time. These traditions are practiced in community settings such as favorite fishing coves in St. John, Frenchie Northside gardens of St. Thomas, or the Christ- mas parade of St. Croix; in intimate domestic settings and in work places; in markets and in dance halls. Local researchers suggested an interesting strategy for interpreting traditions of the Virgin Islands to create a public program. This was to identify "cultural touch- stones" or historical points of reference that are still useful in understanding the present. The big yard, the marketplace, and public celebration were selected as meaningful cultural touchstones to all three islands. The big yard developed in urban neighborhoods of St. Thomas as shared area behind row houses where workers lived. The big yard was the setting for everyday activity, casual or planned meetings, storytelling under the tamarind tree, laundering, cooking, children's play, and gossiping. Although the St. Thomian big yard is not found as an urban space in St. Croix or in St. John, the concept of big yard can refer in general to a communal place for shared domestic activity on all three islands. While the big yard shapes the private world of the home, the marketplace is at the crossroads of commerce where people sell and trade, throw words, preach, campaign and catch up on events of the day. Its values are public; its gestures and jests may be broad. Socially inclusive and temporarily transforming, cele- brations join domestic and public spaces and bring the islands together, whether it is carnival on St. Thomas, the Day of the Kings Festival on St. Croix, or Emancipa- tion Day on St. John. The big yard, the marketplace and celebration are contextualizing, interpretive devices that represent continuity in the folklife of the islands and that serve as backdrops for exploring contemporary cultural issues of concern to Virgin Islanders. In these discussions, as in performances and demonstrations, multiple voices collaborate in telling stories their own way, in a dialogue with one another, with the public, and with the some- times complex voices within. Olivia Cadaval is Director of the Office of Folklife Programs' Quincentenary Program and curator of the Festival's U.S. Virgin Islands program. She has con- ducted research and collaborated in public program- ming with the Washington, D.C. Latino and Caribbean communitiesfor over a decade. She received her Ph.D. from the George Washington University American Stud- ies/Folklife Progra m. Citations and Further Readings Abrahams, Roger. 1983. The Man of Words in the West Indies: Performance and the Emergence of Creole Cidture. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Benjamin, Guy H. 198T Me and My Beloved Virgin St. John, U.S.A. New York: Benjamin's Publishing. Boyer, William W. 1983. America 's Virgin Islands: A History ofHuman Rights and Wrongs. Durham: Caro- lina Academic Press. Fog Olwig, Karen. 1987. Cultural Adaptation & Resistance On St. John. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Jarvis, Antonio. 1944. We Virgin Islands and Their People. Philadelphia: Dorrance & Company. Lewis, Gordon K. 1972. The Virgin Islands - A Caribbean Lilliput. Fvanston: Northwestern University Press. Lewisohn, Florence. 1964. Divers Information on Tloe Romantic History of St. Croix - From The Time of Columbus Until Today. Bo.ston: St. Croix Landmarks Society-. Mintz, Sidney W. 1974. Caribbean Transfonnatio)is. Chicago: Aldine. Paiewonsky, Isidor. 1987. Eyewitness Accounts of Slave/y in the Danish West Indies Also Graphic Tales of Other Slave Happenings on Ships a)id Plantations. St. Thomas, U.S.V.I. Peterson, Arona. 1974, 1975, 1982, 1987. Herbs and Proverbs. St. Thomas, U.S.V.I. Rivera, Eulalie C. 1987. Growing Up On St. Croix. St. CroLx, U.S.V.I. SchraderSr., Richard A. 1989. Notes ofa Crucian Son. St. Croix, U.S.V.I Vails, Lito. 1981. What a Pistarkle!. St. John. U.S.V.I. Suggested Listening Virgin Island Voices. Radio Program produced by Maiyjane Soule, 1989. loop, Zoop. Zoop. Recording produced by Maiy Jane Soule. 26 Rounding the Seine Guy H. Benjamin GuyH. Benjamin remembers growing up in East End in St. John in hisMn and My Beloved Virgin St. John, U.S.A. Mr. Benjamin has had a long career as an educator He began teaching immediately after graduating as thefirst St. Johnianfrom Charlotte Amalie High School in St. nomas. He is now retiredand lives in New York City in the winterand in St.John in thesummer. Even,' time I remember our boyhood day.s in Ea.st Fnd, I still feel correct in .saying that no other children had as much fun. joy, and happiness as we had. Our community had just eleven families. My godfa- ther owned a seine and a large boat to hold it. He would keep the boat ready, and whenever a school of fries (minnows) came into the bay, we would be looking out for the sweet carang (the cavally, a member of the jack family], the beautiful yellow tail snapper, and the fat blue runner loLir nati\e name, "hard nose"). They generally came one or two days after the fries. If they were sweet head fries, they never had a chance to la.st too long near the shore. The men threw their nets over them and would have to ease them to the shore, so many would they cover at one time. Then they emptied the fries in their boxes. Everybody in the village would come to get a share. I could hardly wait to get home with them. My aunts would jump on the fries, take off the heads, and wash them. Meanwhile my grandmother gave me the mortar, with the black pep- per, onions, and salt. This I had to pound until it was fine and mixed. Then my aunt would season the fries while the flour batter was being prepared. Many |X-ople then made roussayed (fried the fish with lard, butter, or salad oil). The fries were then placed in the batter and cooked Ambrosia! The whole operation took 30 minutes combined, from sea to stomach. Nothing can be finer than to be eating batter from the sweet head tries. This year, Goldie (Mrs. Golda Samuel) gave me some at Thanksgiving. Is it any wonder that I o\'erate again? In the meantime, the men were on the lookout for the fish. You heard the signal — Roundoff! Everybody left the houses and headed for the beach, every little boy and girl, grandmothers, aunts, uncles, and cousins by the dozens. All of us small boys were out in the water. We must keep the fish from coming to the ropes so we "beat water." The men were out at the back, holding back the cork that's attached to the seine. The women pulled the ropes to get the seine in as fast as possible before the fish got a chance to realize that they were a captive supper, lunch, or breakfast. And all of us naked boys got nearer to land, so that we soon would be pulling the seine. We had the two arms in the surf. We had to let the tries out ,so we could see what we'd caught. A beauteous sight! The fish were going around in perfect circles, gli.stening silver and spotted gold. We had caught carang and yellow tails. There is no prettier sight any place than these beautiful dinners swimming around. I wondered if they knew their fate? Then my only thought was to help to get them on shore, which we did. Now it was sharing time. First, they were all divided in two — one share for the owner, the other for the rest of us. No one was omitted, not even the landowner. Ever>' child, woman, and man was given a share. When we caught the blue-eyed bonito, if each one could not get a whole one, then we sliced it in junks [chunks] and we all shared. If that were communal living, then we were the first Danish-American communists in the Virgin Islands. This was the happy, glorious life we lived in East End, with our sea which provided us with natural health and life. It my grandmother wanted a lobster for Sunday morning breakfast, she would say, "Guy, bring home a lobster with you tonight." I would go to my favorite rock and take out a lobster and bring it home. My aunts would cook it in a kerosene tin on the fire. I would eat the legs while it was cooking— so succulent and sweet. We had lobsters like this, even after I returned to St. John to teach. Then Milton would say, "Benjy, cook the raisin fungy [cornmeal dish] and I'm going for the lobsters. " In an hour, he'd be back with at least four. It would be a whole gang of hungry men and boys. But we'd have enough and some to spare. Progress has taken away our lobsters. Today, we are paying $20.00 for a three-pound lobster, and we must go far out in the ocean bed to dive for them. 27 Folk Architecture Myron D. Jackson MyronJackson was bom in St. nomas and works for the U.S. Virgin Islands DepaiUnent of Planning and Natural Resources. Division of Historic Preservation A barely sui'viving example of folk architec- ture, the wattle and daub house had its origins in Africa and proliferated in the Virgin Islands countryside. It is strong and durable, and some of the structures have survived hurricanes. Variations on the wattle and daub theme also can be found in other parts of the Caribbean, South America, Asia and Europe. Several examples are still standing on the island of St. John. Building materials for this house were taken from the natural forest and surrounding areas. Tropical hardwoods and tyre palm leaves were selected and cut at times that coincided with particular phases of the moon. Craftsmen say working with the moon ensured that wood and palm leaves would not be eaten by insects. Supporting poles usually were cut to a length of about seven feet and placed into the ground several feet apart. Smaller branches were woven through these supporting poles in a pattern similar to basketwork. Fresh cow dung, clay or a mixture of sand, lime and water was u.sed to plaster the exterior of the structure. Sometimes a white lime wash would be used on the exterior. Roofs were usually of the hip or gable type, covered with grass or palm leaves. Tyre palm seems to have been the more favored material. Mrs. Alice Daniels, 96, recalling life on the western end of St. Thomas, tells of how the country people came together to assist one another in building homes. Most of the actual construction was done by men, while women gathered palm leaves and did other work. Women often prepared dishes of hearty food to make the event a festive one. There would also be singing of folk and religious songs, gossiping and storytelling. The houses were used primarily for sleeping and household storage. Cooking and other chores were done in the surrounding yard, in which many families also maintained gardens and kept animals. This was a lifest\'le tA'pical of many Afro-Caribbean people. Few Virgin Islanders today remember this type of house construction, but on St. John surviving examples of the wattle and daub house were in use up to recent times. Several families in the Coral Bay area have retained the houses, and other examples can be found on old plantations and estates on the island. One family patriarch, Mr. Winfield James, who was 92 years old when interviewed, spoke of several structures he had built on St. John. Folk Cottages Wood frame West Indian houses are a folk form that can be found in a number of variations in the Virgin Islands. Houses of this type are visible throughout the three major towns — Charlotte Amalie. Christiansted and Fredriksted. Charlotte Amalie is the oldest of the towns on St. Thomas. Many wooden structures can be found on the east and west sides of its commercial district. Within the areas defined by the structures are historic neighbor- hoods of working class citizens. The Savanne district is the oldest community on St. Thomas. Established in the mid 1700s for the large number of free Blacks in the then Danish West Indies, the area was also reserved for a large number of Sephardic Jews who came to the Caribbean to escape the Spanish Inquisition and other religious persecution. Structures were built facing the street and were restricted by the size of their lots, which could be either purchased or leased. Many houses were constaicted on a masonry foundation of local materials and imported European bricks, which were brought on sailing ships as ballast. Plaster finishes were done with a lime mortar, which was prepared by burning cut coral stones in a kiln to produce a lime powder. This powder was turned to mortar by mixing it with beach sand, water and some- times molasses. Local tropical hardwoods were sometimes used, but for the most part, imported pitch pine was the favored material for the skeleton of the structure atop the masonry foundation. Cypress shingle or shipboard siding was used for exterior sheeting. For the construction of roofs, craftsmen chose either thatch, shingle, tile or, later, galvanized sheeting. In wooden folk cottages, the roof took one of the three basic styles — gable, hip or shed. The hip roof was the type most commonly found in the Danish West Indies. Its form can be traced to both Africa and Europe. This roof shape, usually constructed with steep pitches, has several advantages. In Europe the hip roof design was used to prevent large accumulations ofsnow on rooftops. In Africa it allowed quick drainage of rain from the thatch roof. In tropical architecture, its high ceilings 28 Viet 1 1he It'll hy vi'diy ofhiirrictinc ^ciis(iii\. tin iihiiiulmiuil ucittlv and ciciiih house still suiinls in Si /nhii. ils htisheliniik stnicliiiv exposed by the elements (Photo hy Fred Sahieooksy) allowed hot air to rise. This feature, in addition to the cross ventilation from windows and doors, enabled the structures to remain cool during the hot summer months. The durability' of hip roofs was evident after the devastation of hurricane Hugo in September 1989. The four sloping sides of the hip roof present minimal resistance to the wind, allowing it to blow over and around the roof structure. As an added safety feature, craftsmen would build the roofs of galleries separate from that of the main structure. This would ensure that when a storm tore off the roof of a more exposed and vailnerable gallen,', the roof of the main house would not go with it. Wooden doors and shutters were simply detailed and gave protection from the elements. These had simple metal hinges and were fastened from the inside by means of a wooden bar cradled by metal brackets, hi- terior wooden jalousies allowed privacy and ventilation. Metal fittings were usually forged by local blacksmiths. Galleries were not ver>' common with the smallest, older frame cottages. However, one would always find deco- rative trim attached. On the island of St. Croix one can find an assortment of decorative trim. Frederiksted is known for its ginger- bread, an impressive decorative feature. Gingerbread refers to the strips of ornately carved designs used along the roof ledge and balconies, which give the effect of lace trim. In 1878 Frederiksted was \irtually burnt to the ground during the "Fire Burn" carried out by Africans who wanted an end to slavery. Although emancipation had been granted in 1848, Crucians were still under the yoke of the White planters who continued to exploit them. During the period of recon.stnjction of the town, many former slaves acquired property and moved in from neighboring estates. Wood houses became very popular. During this era of the Industrial Revolution, mass production and modern transportation brought greater wealth to an ever-increasing number of people in the United States and Europe. This accumulation resulted in a steady growth of the middle class and a proliferation of its style of opulence. The style was imitated by local land and property owners who adapted published patterns to suit their own taste and homegrown aes- thetic. In European architecture, Victorian Gothic and Ital- ian Villa themes were in vogue. Noveau riches in the Americas seized and embellished these styles using wood as their principal building material. The actual construction techniques of the wooden frame cottages on all three islands were similar, although the constnac- tion terminology sometimes differed from island to island. This method of constniction continued up to the mid 1930s. The introduction of American cut-and-nail tech- niques eventually replaced the practice of mortise and tenon construction. The old method, howe\er, can still be found in neighboring islands. Most of the structures in the Virgin Islands were designed and constructed by skilled, local carpenters who passed their techniques from one generation to the next by oral tradition. They took pride in their creations, and they built three beautiful towns. Their work repre- sents a fusion of European and African contributions. Today many of our wooden structures are on the verge of collapse. It is incumbent on us to restore and to preserve for future generations this architectural heritage, which represents a history of people's lives and the times they lived in. Homes built by Afro- Caribbean people are now primarily of concrete. Intro- duced into the islands in the early 1900s, this type of structure represents a new era in Caribbean architec- ture. But my question is, at what cost? As we see the wooden frame cottage disappear from our countryside, towns and neighborhoods, they are being replaced with foreign and insensitive reinforced concrete and steel frame monsters. One can't help but feel a sense of displacement, though others see in these developments a sign of progress, of our entrance into modern times. The new structures also speak of our changing relationship with the land. As we house our people in high-rise, multi-level complexes, we radically alter their relationship with the environment and with a way of life that involved direct contact with the earth. The conse- quences are grave. We can change our way of living, but only so much before we, ourselves, become dis- placed. Our historic towns and neighborhoods provide us a sense of regional identity and represent our inherited cultural legacy. We are one with the tradition. Neighhiii-s conslnicl a thalched roo/hiil in St 'Ihomns in the /9th centnir (Photo cuiirlesy the \'iigiii Islands Depiirtiiient of Plan- ning and Natural Resources) 29 Savanne Ruth M. Moolenaar Ruth Moolenaar is a retired educator and coordinator ofthe 1973 Project Introspection j\. the U.S. Virgin Islands Depaiinient of Education. A Historical Perspective The port town of Charlotte Amalie on St. Thomas was founded to serve the needs of early Danish traders and planters. Savanne, or Savan, the northwestern subdivi- sion of Charlotte Amalie, was established to provide housing for an increasing number of manumitted slaves or "free coloureds," as they were called. This group, having gained their freedom by direct purchase or by baptism, left the rural estates on which they worked and lived and moved to the town. Although legally free, they were treated as an inferior class and were subjected to rigid restrictions, As reported in Emancipation in the Danish West Indies, Eye Witness Accounts II, by Eva Lawaetz, "the free colored were banned from certain punishment for certain offenses. In addition, they had to always have on their person a FRIBREV (Letter of Freedom) to prove they were not slaves." In the mid 1700s Governor General Peter Von Scholten passed several laws to protect the rights of the free coloureds. Unfortunately, many of the freed Blacks were never apprised of their rights. So large was their number in St. Thomas that it was agreed to sell lots in the Savanne area to facilitate their needs. Thus, the neighborhood was es- tablished around 1764-65. The character of the neighborhood was evidenced by the construction of its houses. In contrast to the masonry, European-styled buildings and homes of the commercial district, houses of Savanne were small wooden frames covered with shingles. Described by some architects as vernacular row, the prevailing design was a long row of contiguous houses that formed an L- or U-shaped structure. Others were individual houses of the same wooden frames but having a small balcony. Built a few feet above the ground these elevated homes were reached by wooden or masonry steps. Under the raised houses children found safe havens for play, and nesting hens used these shaded areas as good hiding places for their eggs. One long, winding road ran through the center of the neighborhood. Economy of the Area There was no alternative in Savanne to the trading and other businesses of the commercial district. The people of Savanne were obligated to leave their neigh- borhood to seek employment. Many women and a few- men were engaged in "carrying coal," a job that involved carrying huge baskets of bituminous coal on their heads up the planks of ships calling on St. Thomas. Coal was used as fuel by the ships. Working from mid-day into the wee hours of the next morning, coal workers were paid with tallies which, when redeemed, netted two or three cents per basket. Another source of employment for women was laundry, which involved washing uniforms worn by gendarmes and other uniformed officers. The uniforms were made of heavy cotton like khaki, twill or denim, and when wet, the clothes exacted much energy from the women who did their work without modern ma- chinery and detergents. They hand scaibbed the garments, slapped them on rocks, boiled them on an outdoor fire and finally bleached them dr>- in the sun. Ironing was almost as tedious a chore done with a charcoal fired "goose." Some women earned a living as vendors in the Bungalow at Market Square, now called the Rothschild Francis Square, or as peddlers throughout the town. The Bungalow vendors were a distinctive group. Col- orful in dress and spirited in temperament, they added a special flavor to the area. Each woman had her individual spot or table, which she guarded jealously. As a group they regulated prices and conformed to unwritten norms as they bargained their wares erf fresh fruits, vegetables, herbs, spices, food and drinks. Men earned their living as cargo men, common laborers, janitors, or fishermen. Skilled workers emerged years later from this group. These artisans exercised great influence in the community. Operating small trade shops within and outside the area, they satisfied the community's needs in such areas as cabinet making, furniture repair, masonry, joinery, brick laying, barber- ing, dressmaking, needleworking, and cooking. Social Services Before local government provided social services for 30 the needy, fraternal organizations played an important role in furnishing these services for the Savaneros. These institutions, in addition to providing financial assistance in time of need, supplied counseling and other services. Two such fraternal organizations in Savanne were the United Bretheren of the St. Joseph Association and the Beloved Sisters of Mary and Joseph. The Harmonic Lodge and the Old Unity Lodge were also popular among Savaneros even though they were located outside the boundaries of Savanne. Entertainment Unlike the courtyards of the commercial district, which served as extended work areas or as stables of wealthy merchants, the Big Yards of Savanne were for entertainment and informal, traditional education. The.se wide open spaces bordering the long row houses were identified by landlord's name or by location. There were the Lockhart's Big Yard, Richard's Big Yard and the Sealey Big Yard. Three popular yards outside of the Savanne area were Ross's Yard, Buck Hole, and Bar- racks Yard. On moonlight nights families gathered to share stories, jokes, gossip, and family events; they recited poems, danced and sang in the Big ^'ards. Daytime activities were also plentiful. The people of Savanne also frequented two pcjpular dance halls. Jubilee Hall and Dilley Hall. Additionally, the fraternal lodges were a\ailable for social affairs. Political Life Since Savanne was one of the most densely pcjpu- lated areas on the island, it attracted the attention of politicians, who stumped the area at election time wooing voters. In the 1940s and later, the strength of a political party or its candidates hinged on support from Savanne. The old Banaba Well, a popular landmark formerly used as a water source, became the rostrum from which political candidates delivered fiery speeches. After these performances people gathered at nearby "Eva Grants Corner" for drinks and conversation. Middle- class and wealthy political candidates were sometimes viewed ironically by the Savaneros who were aware that their small homes and their food and drink would ordinarily be scorned by these candidates outside ot an election year. Several leaders were elected from Savanne. These individuals fought tenaciously for improved wage laws, improved roads, better health facilities and most impor- tantly, for job opportunities. Today, people with their roots in Savanne can be counted among the society's list of legislators, doctors, lawyers, civic and religious leaders and other professionals. Other Impacts From the 1930s education became high priority, and graduation from high school was considered an out- standing milestone in one's life. Unlike parents in the commercial district, few Savaneros could send their children to the mainland or to Europe for higher education. Therefore, after high school graduation most young men and women worked for the 'Virgin Islands Government. Many of these individuals continued their education in the 1950s. Savanne Today Visible change in the area is reflected in the houses. Quite different from their predecessors, many homes are now two- and three-story concrete buildings. Glass and aluminum shutters have replaced wooden win- dows and doors. Several wooden homes with shingles remain, however, as testimonies to the eariy character of the area. Unlike commercial Charlotte Amalie, few historic sites in Savanne remain to tell the community's history. One surviving site is the Jewish Cemetery, which served the group of Jews who fled from the island of St. Eu.statius in 1781 after the attack of Sir Rodney on that island. These Jewish members of the community became ship owners, ship chandlers and brokers and participated in the slave trade. They became a vital part of the community and lived primarily in other urban areas, but they were buried in Savanne, on Jode (from Judah) Street." Other street names in Savanne are Pile Strade, 'Vester Gade, Slagter Gade, Gamble Gade, Silke Gade, and Levkoi Strade. Currently Savanne is home to immigrant populations from Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic and the eastern Islands. Blacks of Savanne earned a living in conditions resembling servitude while the Whites of the commercial district flourished financially from the bus- tling trade of the town and its harbor. The sociology of the two groups reflected this difference. Citations AND Further Readings Gjessing, Frederik and William MacLean. 1987. Historic Buildings ofSt. nomas and St. John. London: Macmillan Publishing Ltd. Jarvis, J. Antonio. 1938. A BriefHistory ofthe Viriiin Islands. St. Thomas: The Art Shop. Knox, John P. 1952. .-1 Historical Account of St. nomas. Reprinted 1966. St. Thomas: CV.I. Lawaetz, Eva. n.d. Emancipation i7i the Danish ^^"est Indies, Eyewitness Accou>its II (English Translation). The City Library, St. Thomas. Svensson, Ole, ed. nree Towns. Copenhagen: Tutein and Koch. Taylor, Charles Edwin. 1888. Leafletsfrom the Danish West Indies. London: Dawson and Sons. Reprinted 1970 by Negro Universities Press. 31 Tea Meeting Eulalie Rivera The "Tea Meeting, "a combination ofuahety show and church social, is usually held during the Christmas holiday season. It consists of a series of verbal perfoniiances introduced by a Chairman to a King, Queen and Princess, who preside in appropriate costume. At the event, speeches arepompous, often ridiculous and replete with outlandi.'^h diction andJlamboyant or- namentation. The Tea Meeting was introduced to St. Croixfrom Barbados. It probably developed out of fundraising church events. The name derivesfrom an attempt by Methodists to substitute tea- drinking occasionsfor those in which alcoholic beverages predominated. Older Crucians can still declaim parts oftea meeting speeches but because the organization ofthe event is very elaborate and time consuming, it is rarely celebrated today. Eulalie Rivera, educator and chronicler of Crucian traditions, recalls the tea meeting: About the year 1934-35, I attended a Tea Meeting at the Auditorium of Diamond School. Tiiis is what I remember about the procedure of that Tea Meeting— a pattern similar to the one followed in all traditional tea meetings, including the ones still held today. First of all, there were not many cars on the island, so most of the people came on foot or by honse and cart. The Tea Meeting began at about 6:00 p.m. The Characters: A Chairman A King and Queen, representing British Royalt\' A Philosopher A Mathematician A Socialist A Physiologist A Cook A Bartender The Meeting opened with the Chairman's announce- ment of readiness. Then ever\'One sang "God Bless Our Native Land." The Chaimian then saluted the King and Queen. A Choir sang. Then the Chairman called on whoever was at the top of the program, and this is the way it went: "Mr. Physiologist, will you address us?" "Master Chairman, I'm coming. I'm coming. iMaster Chairman, I'm coming." He starts walking from the back of the room. "When he gets up to the front, he says: "Master Chairman, I am coming as a human being. Master Chaimian, I'm here to tell you tonight of our human body. Master Chairman, our human body is made up of flesh, blood, water and bones. "Master Chairman, the human body has over 200 bones. Master Chairman, our two hands has over 50 bones." He then names the bones of the body, the mu.scles and composition of the blood. The Choir then sings a song or rw,'0, and the Chairman again salutes the King and Queen. He then calls on the Mathematician, who proceeds from the back of the room onto the stage, with a square, a rule, and a protractor in his hand. As he approaches the stage, he chants: "Mr. Chairman, I'm coming. I am coming, Mr. Chairman. I'm coming like the days of the week which we know now to be seven." Reaching the stage, he continues: "Mr. Chairman, it was not always so, as I will explain in my address. "Mr. Chairman, as the ocean moves in currents of seven, so I'm coming in seven more steps. Mr. Chairman, I've come as the ocean current moves — in six small waves and one big one to make it seven." He salutes the King and Queen, then turns to the audience: "Ladies and Gentlemen, I begin my lesson with the unit of things. I'll talk about abstract things. Ill talk about concrete things. I'll talk about symbols. "Gentlemen and Ladies, I'll show these ten fingers, I also have ten toes. Ladies and Gentlemen, the number ten then represents the base of all mathematical proce- dure. Ladies and Gentlemen, the art of expressing numbers by symbols is called notation, and the art of expressing them in words is called numeration. " He would then go on to lecture for quite a while. The Chaimian next calls for Mr. Philosopher, who also approaches from the back of the room, saying: "I'm coming. Master Chairman. I'm coming as the Philosopher who said, ''Wise men learn more from fools than fools learn from wise men.' Yes, Mr. Chairman, I 32 am here tci show you some wisdom from the Philoso- pliers." hi this way Tea Meeting would progress until about midnight, with many speeches on a variety ot subjects, interspersed with songs by the Choir. At the midnight intermission everyone was served tea and a sandwich, usually homemade bread or johnny cake with a slice of ham— real, home-cured pork which the members cooked a day or two before Tea Meeting. As the meeting came to an end, a specially co.stumed group of dancers would perform an exhibition dance called "Lancers." The Tea Meeting was over after everyone had joined in singing the hymn, "God Be With You Till We Meet Again." But there was often a band of the kind that's called a "scratch band" today, but was known then as a "fungi band," and it would strike up a popular dance tune and everyone who had been at the Tea Meeting would troop up the road, sometimes to Grove or to Bethlehem. Tea Meeting was an event usLially held about twice a year. It was an occasion in which the whole commu- nity participated and it was the highlight of our social vear. For each had of coat. a workerfor the West India Coal Company received a brass tally worth two cents. (Courtesy the Fan Christian Museum. St. Thomas) Coal Carriers Aroiia Peterson Aroiia PeteiycDi is a n'ell-kiioini Si. Thoinciscintbor. uewspcipercdhinuiisl and cbmiiiclerof island culture. She has written about island slDries. proverbs and traditionalfoods and herb uses. ne following poe>n and notes are e.xceiptsfrom her most recent book. Food and Folklore of the \irgin Islands. Faces so blackened Only White of eyes clear Flour bag shirts and pants Once bright colored dresses now Faded after many washings Tally bags filled with tallies Swinging and swaying With movement of hips Making sweet music. Not a troupe of 7ai1us Out of merriment But men and women On their way home Sweaty, bone weary After a day of canying Hundred pound baskets Of coal on their heads Heavy baskets unloaded They talk and laugh In tune with jingling tallies In pockets and tally bags Making .sweet music. In the early 20th century. I irfJin IsUinds coal ctirne coal aboard a visiting ship anchored at the harbor when St Tliomas was one of the busiest ports in the Caribbean A colla.i>c ofphiiio.i'mphsfniDt the souvenir pampiblet Si Thiim.is ,ind the \irgin Islands, U.S.A.. compiled and published !>] the SI Tlxiiniis Bureau of Information. l')l'^) (Photo coiiHe.^y the \'(in Schollen Collection. Enid Ban Public Libraiy and Archives. St. Thomas. Virgin Islands) A familiar scene in bygone days — Coal carriers. By no means the best or easiest way to earn a living, but between a rock and hard place and children to teed, no choice. The men and women who made the choice may not have been on any rung of the social ladder but they were not incumbents either. They gave much more than they received but with satisfaction that every penny ( or tally ) %\'as justly earned. No two ways about it, that was hard rough work, but whatever the people that carried those baskets were made of, is not used for making people anymore, at least not in these parts. Spines and connecting links of necks are made of plastic, buckle under slightest pressure in these days, the days of the joggers with noth- ing on their heads. For all the hard work bodies were kept in good shape, even wkh the load off their heads they walked as if they were carrying the heavy baskets, heads held high, chests way up, backs straight as a pin. Whatever they did, they must have been doing it right, for load they seldom needed doctor's care. They drank maubi [ale-like drink] by the gallons to keep the lungs clear, and took frequent bush [herb] baths to keep the pores open so they could perspire freely. When dressed for church, weddings, funerals or any dressing up occasion there was much lace and embroi- dery under those dresses as any other lady from a different walk in life. The language was strong but reserved for the dock, .seldom ever on the street and never on Sunday. Even if provoked they'd say if today wasn't Sunday I'd give the length of my tongue but wait till I ketch you tomorrow. 33 About Man Betta Man, Fission and Fusion, and Creole, Calypso and Cultural Survival in the Virgin Islands Gilben A. Sprauve Dr. Gilhen Spniui'c is a Dutch ciucl tjiglisb Creole scholar cDicl Professor ofModem Lan- guages at the University (f the Virgin Iskiiuls He received his Ph D in linguisticsfrom Princeton University. Here and there, scattered over the thin topsoil of these mountaintops in the Caribbean Sea that we call the Virgin Islands is a thistly weed known to locals by the name "Man Betta Man."' Its name is a riddle to all, one that is mirrored in the sharp contrast between the limited land mass that geographically defines the Virgin Islands and the cul- tural complexity and diversiry characteristic of the Islands' historical and current population. A key to unravelling the Islands' rich cultural flux and variety is the perspective compounded of linguistic and sociological sciences. Thus the major cultural group- ings are to a large extent subsumable under the rubric "sociolinguistic sectors." Approaching the society' in this way provides a clear cultural perspective on the com- plex and creative ways the following sectors of the population interact, communicate and compete with each other in relatively peaceful and harmonious set- tings: 1. Crucians 2. St. Thomians, St. Johnians 3. British Virgin Islanders 4. French 5. Puerto Ricans 6. Kittitians/Nevisians 7. Antiguans 8. Dominicans St. Lucians 9. Trinidadians 10. American Blacks 11. American Whites 12. Arabs 13. Indians 1-1. Haitians 15. Dominicans from the Dominican Republic The sociolinguistic approach taken here is useful in understanding the forces that bind together the society of these islands, themselves microcosms at once of the ethnically mixed Greater West Indies and of the United States melting pot. The author admits to a predilection for an approach defined less by conflict among the \arious groups and more by the cultural wealth which attends diversity and which, to some extent, is the by- product of intense economic exploitation and adversity. He, moreover, fully recognizes the validity of a strictly sociological survey of the same community informed by surface conflictual indices, one that could effectively reduce the groupings to "Blacks." "Whites" and "Others" or "Natives," "Aliens" and "Others," consistent with antagonisms still present in our islands. Cultural divisions also can be marked by conflict. This may be heard in the terms utilized for other-group identification in conflictual — and quasi conflictual, that is, festive— settings. These include "cha-cha" for Virgin Islands French folk, "garrot" for folk from the Eastern Caribbean islands and "tomian" for St. Thomians. "Crucian" for St. Croix natives and "tolian" forTortolians carry no significant negative or conflictual charge. "Pappa" and "mamma" are used frequently to refer to Puerto Ricans in the Virgin Islands, as "johnny" is to refer to Arabs. ed. note: The words can also be a proverbial way of advising against excessive pride (or despair); there is always one man better, never ; final best. 34 If presen'ation «t the Islands' ricli cultLiral \'ai"iety is on our list of priorities, then all sociolinguistic instal- ments marshalled to serve that variety' deserve our attention, from lyrics of our calypsos to folk stories told in West Indian Creole. For the survival and persistence of the consciousness that we call "Virgin Islands culture" is by no means a trivial historical matter. To understand the workings of the engine that drives this conscious- ness we must first glance back at the economic and political forces that came to bear on these islands during the past half centur\'. The most dramatic expansion ever in the Virgin Islands economy began in the late fifties and early sixties of the present century; it is still in progress today, much to the dismay of a wide cross-section of our populace. Some historians date the groundwork for this boom to the years of the Second World War. Almost overnight these islands came under intense pressures to be the showcase par excellence of unchecked capital develop- ment and exponential commercial expansion. (Weren't we, after all, an American territory operating in the free enterprise system? And weren't the islands unsurpassed in natural beauty, the ultimate commodity for wealth)- and adventurous visitors and inve.stors?) When we consider these pressures from the outside, combined with local leaders' self-consciousness about poverty and their naive vulnerability to grandiose .schemes of wealth for all, then we can comprehend why suddenly the doors were thrown open and the ft:)rces of development unleashed. This kind of accelerated development everywhere hinges on the availability of cheap labor. The Virgin Islands were no exception. But Virgin Islanders were also coming into their fuller rights as United States citizens/subjects; this meant that, although their wages did not enjoy full equity with those of United States citizens on the mainland, they were still a decent cut above those of our fellow West Indians on our neigh- boring islands. The ambitious Virgin Islander who felt hemmed in by inadequate wages at home routinely pulled stakes and travelled to "The Big City" — usually New York — to make his fortune. The ambitious West Indian, analogously stymied by low wages on his home island, was all too ready to fill the order when develop- ers from the Virgin Islands— latter day raiders— arrived on their shores in pursuit of able-bodied laborers for Virgin Islands industry and construction. Thus was set in motion a new version of the famous triangular trade, this one involving the United States, the Virgin Islands and other islands in the Caribbean. The Virgin Islands were the hub of this trade, rather than simply one corner, so the analogy with triangular patterns is perhaps imperfect. But in effect the three part trade worked as follows. From the brow of an under- paid labor force transported to and toiling in the Virgin Islands, substantial revenues in the form of greenbacks would find their way back into the treasuries of the labor-producing islands. This hard earned U.S. cur- rency now deposited in the treasuries of our neighbor- ing islands in the Eastern Caribbean translated into a caring posture for the United States vis-a-vis this poten- tially turbulent region. It must be tempting for the architects of Virgin Islands modern style development to congratulate themselves for the apparent success of their project and its far-flung ramifications for regional ".stability." The truth of the matter is this economic success story is also a blueprint for cultural fission and disintegration. It fosters un- faththomable levels of cynicism, divisiveness and dis- trust within the populace. Enter Creole, Calypso AND Carnival! One or another of the Creoles (whether Dutch- English- French- or Spanish-associated) is recognized as the folk language on practically every island of the Eastern Caribbean and Virgin Islands. The grammar and the lexicological strategies of each Creole generally differs in only minor ways from the others. Sociologi- cally speaking, Creoles throughout the region are de- spised and their u.se discouraged by educators and all custodians of "higher culture." Yet it would appear that the more resolute the program to eradicate a Creole, the more persi.stent the language has grown as the instal- ment erf folk expression. Beyond its use in unguarded, informal conversation, Creole plays a very important ceremonial — and even communal — role throughout the Caribbean. It is the medium for lyrics of calypso, the West Indian musical phenomenon that at once energizes our fetes with pulsating rhythms and seduces our intellect with potent political, social and historical commentary. Although Virgin Islanders, like other West Indians, are flexible enough linguistically to function reasonably well in .standard varieties of English, all our calypsos are sung in Creole. The inaccessibility of this code to newcomers, to the press and to the cadre of largely imported or alienated managerial staff makes room for transient satire — and sometimes outright ridicule — of those who ain things. And herein lies one of the more gratuitous ironies of the Virgin Islands as the American Paradise. It is the transplanted Eastern Caribbean calypsonians, expand- ing the poetic energy of their own particular Creole dialects, who have revitalized calypso in the Virgin Islands. Perhaps in response to the harsher socioeco- nomic landscape of their homelands, they lend them- selves heartily to expressing the underclass's frustra- tions and cynicism. They make their mark with lyrics that strike at the heart of the system's dual standards. Often the tourist does well to simply jump up in the 35 crowd and turn a deaf ear to lyrics that, in any case, would not only mystify him linguistically but assail him morally. In this region, to discuss calypso is to evoke Carnival. Carnival is described as the season when everybody comes together as one. Families are reunited a.s members return home from hundreds and thousands of miles away. Carnival is advertised as two days of giant parades, pageantry in which the Islands' romanticists and realists compete for center stage— Main Street from one end of town to the other. Fantastic costumes abound; social parody is plentiful. And Carnival is the World Series of Calyp.so, replete with a junior series for the up and coming generation of Caribbean trouba- dours. Here they compete for the title of King or Queen of Calypso before appreciative but wise and discriminat- ing audiences. Carnival is also the season when political aspirants traditionally announce their plans for upcom- ing elections. Carnival speaks volumes about social organization and cultural identity- and political postur- ing in the Virgin Islands. From the vantage point of our approach founded on "sociolinguistic sectors," the unity^ of Carnival can be seen to be mediated by several social realities. St. Thomians and St. Johnians accept Tortolians and British Virgin Islanders as kinfolk; regular commerce with the British Virgin Islands and waves of migrations from them have gone on uninterrupted since Europeans settled these islands. On the other hand, when Crucians discuss their past and their cultural traditions they pay homage to ancestors, including relatively recent ones, whose place of birth was on one of the Eastern Caribbean islands such as Antigua, Barbados, Nevis or St. Kitts. Several mini carnivals or ethnic celebrations in our islands demonstrate this bidirectional orientation. British Virgin Islands/American Virgin Islands Day is primarily a St. Thomas and St. John fete, while Eastern Caribbean Day is celebrated on St. Croix. Dividing along similar lines, Fathers Day in St. Thomas — including boat races and a fishing tournament — toasts the contribution of the French settlers and their descen- dants; while on St. Croix, Puerto Rico/VI Friendship Day celebrates the presence of those who migrated from Vieques and Culebra to our shores. A vigorous debate has been going on in tlie Virgin Islands about whether these festivals promote unity or disunity. But in each community the grand-daddy of the annual celebrations is clear: it is Carnival on St. Thomas and St. John, and Festival on St. Croix. All groups participate and compete in these events. Calypsonians flock to them from the Greater Caribbean to meet the challenge of feting and entertaining the Virgin Islands in all its cultural diversity. In this way, the fissures of rampant exploitation and its attendant cynicism are subjected to intense festive meltdown. And the culture prospers. Were There Giants? Gilhen A. Spraiwe Yes, one! WHO? Tampo! Sifting meticulously through recollections from his youth the writer was able to recall one man that enjoyed the status of "giant." "Enjoyed" is used rhetori- cally, for Tampo certainly did not solicit, much less abuse, any special dispensations that came with the distinction. He may in fact have been totally oblivious to them. The writer next pondered the que.stion of confirming the Tampo-the-Giant myth. Tracking down school- mates would be simple enough. It is a small, close-knit community. Just mention "Tampo," and Jiggy, for one — our unofficial class historian— would recite the exact day when Miss Marcellus, after struggling with an incredulous Kenny, who resolutely refused to .swallow the meaning of the Lilliputian fairy tale for the better part of a class period, suddenly made him and the rest of the class understand by comparing Gulliver to... you know who! But the writer decided on a different tactic. At the end of each interview done in preparation for the Smithsonian's Folklife Festival, he would ask his inter- locutor to tell him what he or she knew of Tampo. Fred (a fisherman): De story 'bout Tampo?? Interviewer: ... ain' got a bank out dey, dey call Tampo? F: Not me! I: I hear some St. John man talkin' 'bout Tampo Bank. F: You know who dey call Tampo? 36 I: I know who dey call Tampo, but.., F: No. ah ain' talkin' 'bout da fellow... Ah talkin' 'bout a whale... a whale shark. I: A whale shark de call Tampo? F: ^'es... yen, being so big, no? An' ferocious-lookin! I: Wat it is: a whale of a shark?? F: A ^'haleshark. I was on he back, Man! Yo' don' believe me? Edouard Blanchard an' ancxida fellow name... gimrne a chance, ah goin' tell yo'... Battiste, a sixteen year ol' boy was also in de boat. Fourteen foot plywood boat. Fie had us up on he back fo' 'bout 20 minutes. An' he didn' want to do not'ing wid us. .Mus' be scratchin' he back. Battiste had want us... take de oar an' .stick him. I: He actually get up under dc boat? F: He came up... like we was anchored here. He came up likederean' went noil'... bout half de way over dere an' he turn straight sout', come .straight under de boat an' w'en he get half o" heself under de boat he raise up an' he stop niovin', yo' know. Jus' rai.se right up like a helicopter, raise up right outa de water. He was about dis height outa de water. But I wasn't scared because I know dey don' eat people, dey're not dangerous. Wat dere danger is, if you create it. if yo' hit dem wit' a oar and dey get frighten an' dey dump yo'. I: Bout how long yo" say he was? F: 'Bout 50 feet long, 'bout ten feet wide... We average him by de boat an' he was, ah believe, t'ree and a half times de lengt' o' de boat, maybe four times... (from interview on 12 February with Mr. Alfred Richardson) I: "\'o' remember a fellow in St. Thomas dey call Tanipor' J: Tampo is a big fellow. But v\ait, 1 hear he dead? Dere were two Tampo. I: Yeh, tell me bout dem. J: Dere were nvo. One had name Cyril. Dere's anodda one from To'tola. A set o' dem boy had fight him a time, down Buck Hole. Lawd, I know... I know de boy-dem name... an' he take an' dey say dey is boxer, an" ting. He say: Come, come: in dis To'tola language, jus' lemme ge me hean' on him. He had about two o' dem under dis foot an' dey couldn' move... squeezin' dem. An' dey say dey boxin'. An' he only makin' so, grabbin' dem. 'Bout .some four, five o' dem. But Tampo was too much fo' dem. Das de one! (from interview on 18 February with Mr. Jospehus Williams) 1: Ya' know a fellow... firs' yo ever hear of a place call Tampo? H: A place yo' call Tampo, yo' say? I: Yo' ever hear any o' de fisherman o' anyt'ing talkin' bout a place dey call Tampo? H: ... No, no, no. I: But yo' know a man... dey name, dey call Tampo? H: Here? 1 knov\- a guy w'a we call Tampo. De one fel- low w'a I know... 1: W'a yo' remember bout Tampo? H: Yeh, but he wasn't a fisherman. 1: No. I jus' want to know w'a yo' remember 'bout him. H: ... bout a fellow name Tampo? Well, Tampo is... he ivas a very .strong man. De one dat I know. I: De same one. H: An' he got a bad leg. An' I went down to he coal pit. Down at Mr. Newton, back dere. An' I find Tampo: he had two half bag o' coal on he head, one straight an' de odda one cross, an' he still had two under he arm, comin' wid dis piece o' ftM::)t. 1: Even wid de bad foot, yo' tellin' me? H: Wid de bad foot! I say: 'Well, Jesus Christ! Wa dis man doin'?' An' Tampo dere comin' t'rough de stone... de place dere. not'ing couldn' run, Tampo was dere even wid he bad foot. If somebody had tell me dat, I woulda say 'Ncj!' But wen I firs' know Tampo he was a prayer meetin' man. He had a nice voice an' ting! (from 27 Febniary interview with Mr. Humphrey Hermon) 37 Tradition and Cultural Identity IN Senegal Diana Baird N'Diaye Introduction In Senegal these are the words to a well-known lullaby in the Wolof language: Father Malamine. religious teacher ( marabout), Write me a talisman. Talismans are not easy to find in Saloum For Saloum has just two rooms. The third room is only a kitchen. And that kitchen belongs to the king. That king is the King of Saloum. Ayo Ayo, Ayo Baby, Little Baby. Like many English nursery rhymes, the song is a coded way of talking about events and issues that could not be openly discussed. The words of the song refer to the 14th century, when the kingdom of Saloum in Senegal was divided into two warring factions (the two rooms) — converts to the newly introduced religion of Islam and adherents of the traditional Wolof religion. The "kitchen" mentioned in the song symbolizes the wives of the king — particularly his fifth wife, an older woman captured in war. She retained her belief in the Wolof religion, and so did King Saloum. The words of this Wolof lullaby refer to events, heros, customs, beliefs and social structures that existed five centuries ago. They mark a particular moment in Senegal's long Topography and Ethnic Groups ofSenegal . (Adapteil from Tbiam, Mangane and Sow. Geographic du Senegal 1989 edition. Dakar Xoiwelles Editions Africaines) history of kingdoms, empires, long-distance trade, and continuous cultural contact. The influence of these institutions is still to be found in the multilayered and multifaceted cultures that exist in Senegal today. Visitors to the Senegal program at the Festival of American Folklife have an opportunity to experience some aspects of the traditional folk cultures of Senegal and to learn the way they shape and express cultural identities in this complex African society. Cultural identities embodied in personal presentation and other forms of expressive culture will be explored through crafts, music, narrative, dance, and foodways traditions performed in domestic, occupational and festive con- texts. Senegal's contribution to the culture of the Americas will also be featured. Visitors to the program may find that presenta- tions by Senegalese Festival par- ticipants challenge their precon- ceived notions about African cul- tures, societies and forms of tradi- tional artistic expression. The social complexity of Senegalese societ)', the importance of history in ever\'day life, the legacy of nine centuries of empire, the impact of Islam, and the relationship of aes- thetics and morality are all visible through the lens of traditional folklife. Geography Lcjcated at the western most tip of the African continent, bordered by the Atlantic Ocean, Senegal is the closest point of contact between Africa and the Americas. Its geographic position and its many rivers The Senegalprogram has been madepossible, in part, bv the President ofthe Republic ofSenegal. Abdou Diouf the Office of the President, the Ministry of Culture and Communication, the Ministry of Tourism and Environment, the Senegalese Embassy to the United States, the American Embassy to Senegal, the American Cultural Center in Senegal, Cheikh Anta Diop - Institut Fondamental de lAfrique Noire, and administrative authorities in Dakar and in the various regions of Senegal. 38 made Senegal an important point of entry, departure and contact for the Wolof, Lebou, Serer, Toucouleur, Soninke, Peul, Diola, Manding, Balante and Bassari who call Senegal home as well as for peoples from other parts of Africa and from Europe, Asia, and the Americas. For a little more than half of its width from west to east, Senegal is divided into upper and lower regions by the Republic of Gambia, an elongated encla\e following and sheathing the Ri\er Gambia. The countiT of colonial administration, the present outlines of the country were established. The citizens of Senegal re- gained their self-governing status in I960 and retained both political boundaries and a developing conscious- ness of themselves as Senegalese. The influence of these earlier social forms has been profound on the traditions that are part of the Senegalese way of life today. The People At first glance it might seem that performance tradi- tions and cultural identities in Senegal might be orga- nized along the lines of people who speak the same language, live in the same community, share a common history' or ancestor and practice the same religion. However, visitors to the Festival's Senegal program are likely to encounter different traditions and beliefs presented by speakers of a common language and just as likely to hear different languages spoken in the presentation of similar styles of dance, music and crafts. These experiences indicate the complexity of the relationship between Senegal's ethnic identities and its folk traditions. The simplistic notion of tribe can mislead under- standings about Senegalese culture and identity. Indi- viduals create their cultural identities within a complex social environment composed of groups defined by such things as kin relationships, religious belief, mutual assistance and economic production. In a book on Manding oral traditions, Donald Wright observes: Holding together Mandinka [Manding], Serer, Wolof. and Fulbe [Peul] society and lending unity to the wider Senegambian social and cultural region were a tripartite social structure and strong kinship rela- tions. Freemen, artisans, and captives were the three major class divisions throughout much of the West- ern Sudan... Uniting persons in different parts of the Senegambia, giving individuals the framework for their own identity, and providing a measure of the sense of unity that tied together the various ethnic groups was kinship... Class and status seem to have played more important roles than ethnicity in the establishment of settle- ments, interpersonal relations and intermarriage. The only restriction on marriage seems clearly to have been one of class: a Mandinka freeman would only marry a "free" person from any ethnic group. Members of the different [ethnic] groups did inter- marry on a wide scale, and this intermarriage and the subsequent mixture of ethnic groups seems to have been a key element in the development and long- term stability of political institutions in the area. The Wolof people are the largest ethnic group in Senegal, representing well over a third of the nation's population. As early settlers of the region and as builders of kingdoms (the Jollof, the Waalo, and the Cayor, from the 13th to the 19th century), the Wolof have given Senegal its most widely spoken language and have influenced many of the traditions practiced nationwide. Ubiquitous Senegalese traditions like cbiehoudieiiue {fish with rice), the sabar dance style, the grand houhoii mode of dress are all of Wolof origin. Although most Wolof are farmers, on-going tradi- tions of long distance commerce account for the pres- ence of Wolof street merchants in many African and North American cities including New York, Washing- ton, D.C., and Atlanta. These farmer-merchants are called Baol-Baol after the general region from which many Wolof originate. They customarily would leave home during the period between harvest and the first planting to earn money in towns so they could purchase needed goods to send to their families back home. The Serer, like the Wolof, were among the eadiest settlers of Senegal. The late Senegalese scholar, Cheikh Anta Diop concluded on the basis of linguistic studies that the Serer were an Egyptian people who migrated to their present base in the Sine and Saloum regions of Senegal. They ha\e remained largely rural, supporting them.selves by farming, fishing and cattle-raising. According to oral traditions, during the jihads (wars of religious conver- sion) of the 12th and 13th centuries they moved from the north of the country towards the south, to avoid forced conversion to Islam. Since that time, the Serer have lived mainly in the western mid-section of the country. They are the second largest ethnic group in Senegal, many of whom continue to practice locally-based sacred tradi- tions. The Toucouleur share common ancestry with the Peul who have traditionally roamed throughout West Africa, both as herders in search of grazing ground and as warriors. The Toucouleur broke away from the Peul to embrace Islam. They are the third largest group in the country. In contrast to the Serer and to the Peul, they are fer\ently orthodox in their practice of Islam. Toucoul- eur travelers to the Arab countries in North Africa were the first people in Senegal to adopt Islam. From the middle of the 13th century, they propagated this religion throughout Senegal through jihads, or holy wars. By the l4th century, their homeland in the eastern midlands of Senegal had become the seat of the Islamic empire of Tekrour. A close connection to the Islam of the Almoravids (warrior priests who traveled throughout the Mediterranean) can still be seen in the Arab influ- enced singing style of the Tidiane religious brother- hood, to which many Toucouleur belong. Originally, the Peul were nomadic. They were herders who traded milk and milk products with farm- ing communities for millet and other agricultural goods. In Senegal this group was spread throughout the eastern border region popularly known as the Fouta, and in the 40 southern part of Senegal popularly known as the Casamance near the frontier between Senegal and Guinea Bissau. Over time, contact with other ethnic groups influenced some Peul to settle and to practice agriculture. Most of these sedentary Peul are concen- trated in the Casamance region. Peul, both nomadic and .sedentary, have a characteristic love of cattle and a tradition of pre-Islamic religion. Today most Manding are farmers living in the Casa- mance. During the 14th century, the first wave of Manding, also called Soce, arrived in Senegal as part of the expanding empire of Mali from the southeast. In the 19th centur>', a second migration of Manding people came to settle in the country as converts to Islam by El Hadj Omar, the warrior marabout (Islamic religious teacher/counselor) of the Toucouleur. They are related to the Malinke in the Republic of Guinea, and to the Bambara in the Republic of Mali. They brought with them the 21-stringed instrument of troubadours called kora, the lute called gamhareand the type of dami used in social and ceremonial dance throughout most of Senegal today. Similarities between Manding dance and music traditions and those of the Serer, Soninke (also called Sarakole) and the Diaxankes bear witness to the close relationship between these ethnic groups. To- gether, the Manding, Soninke, and Diaxanke make up eight percent of Senegal's population. The Diola live in a number of communities related by language, history, forms of traditional artistic expression and shared traditions of government. The sixth largest ethnic group, they are among the only groups in Senegal to have retained ceremonies in which forest spirits are embodied in masks. They cultivate rice and har\'est the products of the palm trees which grow abundantly in the Casamance. Diola communities located on river banks and the Atlantic coast also practice fishing as a way of life. Most groups in Senegal are stratified internally with ranked, inherited status groups based on family and occupation. But Diola social organization is based on egalitarian, small-scale, self-governing com- munities in which age and initiation are the major criteria for participating in religious ritual and commu- nity decision making. Ethnic groups closely related to the Diola are the Balante, Mandjak, and Mankangnes, who have similar traditions, artistic forms and liveli- hoods. The Bassari, who live in the extreme southeast of the country, are among the smallest and least well-kncjwn of the ethnic groups of Senegal. Numbering about 10,000, they account for less than two percent of the nation's population. Because access is relatively diffi- cult to the steep hills where they live, they have had less continuous contact with outsiders than other ethnic groups. They traditionally made their livelihood by hunting, gathering and farming. Another small group, the Lebou, are a Wolof speak- ing people of the Cape Verde region, which includes the capital city of Dakar. They are traditionally fishermen. Lebou oral historians trace their origins as a people from the intermarriage among Wolof, Serer and Manding fishing communities. Today, they share occupational traditions such as boat building styles and reverence for particular water spirits with the Niominka — fishing communities of rural-based Serer. Their dance and music traditions, however, are closer to Wolof .styles. Senegalese have developed strategies for easing the stresses that occur when different people live together. Among them is "cal," the traditional joking relationships between ethnic groups. Similar joking traditions exist within families and between people with specific sur- names. For example, the N'Diayes and the Diops jokingly call each other their slaves and accuse each other of being gluttons. The same playful accusations fly between the Peuls and Diolas and between specific family members in several ethnic groups. A more serious unifying practice is Islam, introduced to Senegal in the 13th century through both voluntary conversion and jihad (holy war). The latter were conducted by the invading Almoravids and by decree of converted Senegalese monarchs. Ninety-five percent of the .Senegalese population now define themselves as Muslim, In addition to practicing the "five pillars of Islam" rcc|uired of all, Senegalese Muslims are likely to identify with one of the four major Islamic brotherhoods of the country: Tidiane, Quadrya, Mouride, or Layyen. The brotherhoods exist throughout Senegal, and within a single family, men and women may belong to any of the four brotherhoods. It is a matter of personal preference. The religious brotherhoods exist within the Sufi (mystical) traditions of Islam. These religious practices include testimonials, preaching, call and response, chanting and group singing. They often resemble revival meetings held among African Americans. Dur- ing the chants, believers experience a reaffirmation of their faith and sometimes become possessed by what they describe as the light of the Divine. Coexisting with devotion to the word of Allah is respect for the power and the will of local spirit forces. Called Jlims in Islamic lore, these spirits inhabit and animate the land, the forest and the waters. Some of them are the continuing presence and influence of deceased ancestors on the world of the living. Combined manifestations of the two systems of belief pervade the everyday lives of many Senegalese and inform language and other symbolic systems such as material culture and music and dance traditions. The technique of reverse glass painting, known as fixes sous verre, is used io illustrate both locally-based and Islamic mythok\^y as well as scenes of traditional Senegalese life. The art form was imported from the Near East during the 19th century as tableaux for Islamic religious 41 Siiniha Duihare Samh and Amad .\ T)ui\v Scimh pliiy the halam. II tnulitiiinal hue. lo accompany their siiimhil; iihrnii ihf hisi, .n "/ the W'oldf people. OmI historians, musicudis iiiid /'raise sniifers In the powerful and wealthy, these griots — nienihers oj the nceiipaluiual class ofperformers— continue to play an important role in contem- porary Senegalese society. (Photo by El Had] Malik M 'Baye) instruction. During the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, the narrative paintings by Senegalese artists became ven,' popular in Senegalese households. Some are portraits of famous as well as ordinar>' people. Others represent events in the lives of local Muslim saints. The paintings also depict spirits from Senegalese cosmology. How History Informs Daily Life The people of Senegal live with their history in ver>' personal and meaningful ways. Whether they are born into a Wolof, Serer, Manding, Toucouleur, Soninke or Diola household, children still at their mothers' breasts begin to learn about the origins of their families, their names, their clans, and about the occupations and exploits of their ancestors. Wolof luUabyes often tell portions of the baby's genealogy and sing praises for the infant's illustrious origins. In Senegal as in much of West Africa, knowledge about one's history is not merely fascinating information. It is part of the foundation on which one constructs his or her cultural identity. Artistic speech, song and dance help situate individu- als in a continuum of kinship links, past and present. For example, professional oral historians, griots, who can trace families back 13 generations, practice their art and knowledge in negotiating a marriage, naming a child and establishing birthright to a particular occupation or status. These griots, who may also be musicians, traditionally have been advisors, confidants and praise singers of the rich and powerful. Because of their recognized ability to affirm or damage an individual's social identity with their oratorical skill and detailed family knowledge, griots are both respected and feared by their patrons. Often referred to by Senegalese as caste, a particular form of occupational and social class exists within the traditional social structures of the Wolof, Toucouleur, Serer, and Manding ethnicities. Each of these classes is distinguished from the others by birthright to certain traditional knowledge, skills, and practices that are subject to restrictions or taboos recognized by the society as a whole. Within these ethnicities until very recently, the knowledge and skills required to produce textiles, perfumes, hairstyles, jewelry, and many forms of artistic performance were family or clan secrets zealously guarded by supernatural sanctions against transmission to outsiders. For example, Kliadydiatou Samassa is a Soninke resist dyer from Bouki-Diawe in the Fouta region of Senegal. She remembers when she was growing up that people who stole knowledge of resist-dyeing from her family and tried to practice it elsewhere were subject to supernatural curses. These made their hands swell when they touched the dye pots and thus prevented them from working. Among the Soninke people, the practice of resist-dyeing was historically restricted to the nobility, and the art continues to be passed down from older to younger generations within the same families. But in urban centers such as Senegal's capital cit\- of Children from the family of Standing, ^iiriol. Kemo Piuhate. come from II lnii^i;'liiie o/ disliiiiiiii^hi'd h>'rii players and nral lustnnans. From an early a,iie Ihey heLi^me familiar inlh their iiihenled profes- sion hy playing child sized versions of this many strin.iied musical instrument. (Photo by Diana Baird X'Diaye) 42 Dii>la feslive occasions such as naming ceremonies, iniiuituni cind weddings include the dancing of bugur. (Photo hy Diuiui N'Diciye) Dakar, these professions are now open to outsiders. The craftsperson who can claim membership in a family whose ancestors practiced their art for the royal courts is well respected. Certain family names, such as Cissokho, Diabate, Kouyate, and Konte are synony- mous with playing the kora and the balafon and singing Manding epic poetry. From interviews with the Cis- sokho family, I learned that Bakary Cissokho's father made his son promise that every one of his 1 1 children would learn the kora. According to Bakary Cissokho, truly great talent was inherited by particular family members. This gift was identified early in life and nurtured and protected with charms and secret family rituals. In contrast, among Diola and Bassari peoples, only gender, age, circumcision and marriage status qualify people to learn and participate in particular traditions. The practice of a wide variety of traditional crafts is open to anyone who meets criteria of gender and age; a single exception is knowledge of metalworking which is passed on through family lines. The Practice of Identity In Senegal individuals often u.se traditional arts of personal adornment, artistic performance and hospital- ity to construct public presentations of themselves. Cultural values about personal beauty include behavior and movement as well as dress and personal adorn- ment. Virtues such as personal integrity (djom). per- sonal cleanliness (set), self-respect ifaidd), patience ( nioun) and generosity and graciousness in the treat- ment of guests (teranga) are taught to Senegalese children growing up in a traditional home. Virtually from the first few hours of a child's life until the time an elder attains the status of ancestor at burial, arts of adornment and speech help people learn and project these ideals. Grandmothers in Senegal massage and mold the heads of their grandchildren to encourage a beautiful form. While the child is still very young, stories and proverbs massage and mold the child's growing .sense of his or her place in the v/orld and of community aesthetics and morality. Throughout Senegal, people now in their thirties and forties who grew up in the country can remember stories their grandparents told at night about the two Coumbas. Senegalese tailors create elegant [K'l^initil udommentfor men as well as women. In this 19th cciiliiry phulngraph. a Senegalese nobleman icears a richly embroidered mhc allied a grand boubou, leather babouches (slippers) and a gri.s-gris (amulet) on a chain enclosed in a silver case. These articles are still veiy much a part of Senegalese formal dress today (Photo courtesy Elliason collection. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of African Art) 43 These Wolofwomen at a Iraditional healing ceivminiy in SciieiJal exemplify the qiialtlicf (if iMi.\.\ ( ^elf re^ipcct ) associated with the arts of pcrMinal (hlfniiiieiil iinil Liirruivi' The Ilia women in the center ofthe phnini;ni/ili an' iisiii,i; in,>ihstiU-^ Kdtdu' Selected from aromatic trees, these slicks are handled piiltliciilly with an elegance not unlike that of a 1930s screen actress wielding a cigarette holder (Photo courtesy INTRASAHEL) In a Wolof version of the stoiy, Coumba Am N'Deye (Coumba with a mother) and Coumba Amoul N'Deye (Coumba without a mother) are half-sisters. Although indulged by her mother, Coumba Am N'Deye is ulti- mately devoured by vultures because of her lazy, impatient and spoiled behavior. But Coumba Amoul N'Deye, despite the unjust treatment of her evil step- mother, gains great good fortune becau.se she is coura- geous, polite, helpful and hard-working. At the same time, some tales, such as the exploits of tricksters Bouki the Hyena and Leuk the Hare, hint at tolerance and even admiration for those individuals audacious enough to break the rules and clever enough to achieve their goals in seemingly impo,ssible circum- stances. Personal adornment is a primary means of individual expression. Aesthetic variety and innovation are char- acteristic features of Senegalese traditional arts of per- sonal presentation. These traditions provide opportuni- ties for highly valued personal and cultural statements. Good grooming in Senegal indicates a person who has self-respect and the expectation of the respect of others. Good grooming and cleanliness (set) are Muslim values as well since one is called five times a day to present oneself before God without physical impurity. Performed arts — music, dance, and verbal arts in- cluding such genres as Malinke epic poems, Toucoul- eur lullabyes, Serer wrestlers' chants, the use of prov- erbs, children's games, and the incantations and pro- nouncements of healers and diviners — also make highly valued statements about personal and cultural identity . Performances constmct identities in many ways and in many contexts. Some performances by professional artists honor or occasionally satirize an individual and his or her family. Other performances, like an individual's gestures and comportments, announce his or her own identity to the community and the world. Senegalese express admiration for subtle and discreet displays of personal creativity within the framework of tradition, and in certain circumstances, a boastful chant is ac- cepted and even applauded. For instance, in the Sine and Saloum regions of Senegal, the performance of social identity is exempli- fied in the lambe, a wrestling tradition which originated with the Serer and which has become a tournament game associated with harvest celebrations all over Senegal. The object of the lambe contest is to force an opponent off balance so that his body touches the ground. Lambe competitions take place each year in the Sine region of Senegal in the months of January and February, the period following the harvest and prior to the first planting of the new year. At other times of the year, wrestlers farm and raise cattle as others do, but during the harvest celebration, each champion wrestler represents his village in bouts with the champions of other villages. The excitement surrounding the lambes can be compared to that of Americans during the World Series. Before a match, each wrestler prepares himself with the help of his personal marabout who prescribes a detailed set of rituals, medicines and talismans to insure the wrestler's success. Then, in the midst of an entourage that can include hundreds of the wrestler's supporters, drummers, his marabouts and singers, the combatant proceeds to the village where the match is to be held. He announces and presents himself to the assembled crowds, dancing and reciting poetry that tells of his prowess. These poems suggest common roots of a tradition which includes the rap songs of young African Americans and the inventive, boastful rhymes of former world champion boxer Muhammed Ali. Another arena of personal presentation is that de- fined by the formal reception of guests. It is not mere Souley N'Diaye. a Serer wrestler takes on a fighting stance at a lamhe tournament in the I'illage ofSamha Dia in the Sine region of Senegal. In his hand he holds a talisman made ofhorn . (Photo by A . Lamine Drame) 44 MessoleU SENEGALAISDESETATS-UNIS LESMODOU-MODOU ONTPIGNONSURRUE PRESSE REACTION DESMAGISTRATS UUm-TELl Nouvelles emissions au programme SBKBMUIS Ni6be a la carte MORFADAM-MOHtMEDlL! Leretour desgeants ALGERIE 90 FEUILLE DE ROUTE OES «L10NS» Headlines of the front page of the Senegalese daily. Le Soleil, fir Febniaty 9. 1990. announce articles that reflect contemporary inter- ests: the lives ofSenegalese vendors I'modou-modou ) in i\eu' York City. a recent lambe wrestling tournament and the nutritional value <f hlack-eyed peas Cniebe/ a traditional part of the Senegalese diet. (Courtesy Le Soleil) coincidence tiiat observations made by visitors to Sene- gal frequently concern the elegance of dress and movement of Senegalese women, the dignity of the Senegalese comportment and the warmth of Senegalese hospitality. Each ethnic group has elaborate traditions concerning the treatment of guests. In Senegal, the Wolof word teranga. "hospitality," is often invoked by Senegalese regardless of ethnic group to express pride in the complex of traditions for the proper treatment of strangers. Teranga includes both material generosiry and generosity of spirit. The traditions of teranga — the preparation and presentation of food, attention to remembering and repeating names in greetings, alert- ness to the anticipated needs of a guest— are ultimately related to the aesthetics of the host's personal presenta- tion. The ability to offer teranga is an important virtue which transcends ethnic and regional boundaries. Hospitality shown towards a visitor marks a host as being well brought up and of good character and good family background; a person of whom praises can be sung and whose family history is worth recounting. It is interesting to note that teranga has become an element of advertising rhetoric u.sed for nurturing a growing tourist industry. Hospitality in this sense is an issue which Senegalese are beginning to consider at a national level in pragmatic terms, weighing hard cur- rency against cultural distortions. Senegalese Traditional Cultures IN International Context Entering the apartment of Fatou and Mamadou Diouf, a model couple whom you might meet in New York City, Washington, D.C. or Atlanta, you are likely to find yourself surrounded by the sounds, smells and tastes of their old home in Senegal. As you stand in the lobby, you may hear voices speaking a mixture ofWolof and English. Walking through the doorway, you may be treated to the smell of incense created with ingredients brought from Senegal. You are sure to be greeted by men and women dressed in a variety of traditional styles from grand boubous — voluminous robes embellished with richly textured embroidery, — to liirkiednd chaiya — shirts and drawstring pants in resist-dyed cotton. On the VCR, you are likely to catch the performance of halam music or see the videotape record of a neighbor's naming ceremony held the week before in the building's ccjmmunity room. If you are lucky enough to be in Anta's home at mealtime, you will certainly be invited to partake in a meal of chieboudienne (fish with red rice) or wrt/e (ground nut stew) from a large, common tray and share in a ritual of tea drinking after the repast. Perhaps Fatou's younger sister will be visiting from Dakar and braiding the hair of a friend with the help of one of the Dioufs' older daughters. Mamadou may be preparing to attend the weekly meetings of his Islamic brotherhood on another floor in the same building. The Dioufs feel a need to provide a home away from home, to create an environment that is congenial according to Senegalese ideas about what is beautiful and morally correct. Senegalese living in cities in the United States rearrange parts of an environment built according to American ideas. They provide appropriate settings for events such as meals, family rituals, the five daily prayers that are part of Islamic spiritual practice, and tea ceremonies. The Dioufs, like many other immigrants to the United States, enrich the American cultural landscape with their folkways — music, deco- rative art forms, foodways and other traditional expres- sions of identity. Part of an earlier immigration, Africans kidnapped for slavery in the Americas also brought a cultural heritage with them across the Atlantic Ocean. Originat- ing in the region of Senegal and neighboring countries of the Western Sudan, the animal tales of Hare and Hyena they brought with them were nurtured through many generations and can still be heard in the U.S. Virgin Islands, in Louisiana, and in the Carolina and 45 Senegalese artists and craftspeople who have come to the United States have found markets for their traditional forms. In the three photographs above (from left to right) Aston Adje Thiam and Awa Biteve braid the hair of a cu'itomer in a New York iTeaiity shop: a Senegalese tailor measures a client for a custom-made outfit: and a Senegalese metalwoike) by hirthnght displays his jeivehy in an American shopping mall (Photos by Martha Cooper, courtesy City Lore) Georgia Sea Islands today. They fomi part of the contributions of Africa to the American continent. Many other contributions by Senegambians to the cultures of the Americas have also been documented. They include the rice technology brought to the Caro- linas during the 17th century', additions to the American vocabulary of words such as "goober" for peanut and "gumbo" for okra based stew, the introduction of rich and nuanced artistic traditions of music, movement and personal adornment exemplified in forms such as the banjo, jazz dance, and cornrow hair-braiding, hi the past 20 years, contacts between Senegalese and Ameri- cans, especially African Americans, have resulted in a continuous exchange of artistic and expressive forms. Mutual influences are most evident in music, language, dance and personal adornment. Shared foodways and performance traditions result from the long history of African contact with the Americas. They have become part of the cultural repertoires of many in the western hemisphere, particu- larly African Americans and Caribbean peoples. The traditions Senegalese bring from home and continue to practice in the United States are an additional source of our cultural enrichment. Diana Baird N'Diaye. Curator of the Senegal pro- gram at the 1990 Festifal ofAmerican Folklife is an an- thropologist and an aiUst with special interests in sacred arts, ethno-aesthetics and material culture in the Afri- can world. Currently on leavefrom herposition as Folk Arts Program Associate at the New York State Council o)i the Arts, she has designed and ciirated exhibitions, interpretive programs and related educational projects on the ai1s in cultural contexts. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Ba, Mariama. 1981. So Long a Letter London: Heine- mann Educational Books, African Writers Series. Bravmann, Rene. 1983. African Islam. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Centre d'Etudes des Civilizations. 1980. Les Nais- sances extraordinaire. Special issue of Demb ak Tey.- cahiersdu mytheino. 6). Dakar: Ministere de la Culture du Senegal. Centre d'Etudes des Civilizations. 1982. Education et initiation. Special issue of Demb ak Tey: cahiers du mytbe (no. 7). Dakar: Ministere de la Culture du Senegal. Colvin, Lucie Gallistel. 1981. Historical Dictioriaiy of Senegal. Metuchen, New Jersey: The Scarecrow Press, Inc. Diagne, Leon Sobel. 1989- Contes Sereres du Sine: (Senegal). Dakar: Universite Cheikh Anta Diop, IFAN- Ch. A. Diop. Cellar, Sheldon. 1982. Senegal: An African Nation Betireen Islam and the West. Boulder: Westview Press, Inc. Hesseling, Gerti. 1985. Histoirepolitique du Senegal: Institutions, droit et societe. Paris: Editions Karthala. Kesteloot, Lilyan and Cherif M'Bodj. 1983. Contes de mythes Wolof Dakar: Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines. Magel, Emil A. 1977. Hare and Hyena: Symbols of Honor and Shame in Oral Narratives ofthe Wolofofthe Senegamhia. Ann Arbcjr: LIniversity Micro Interna- tional. N'Diaye, Abdou, et al. 1986. La Place de lafemme dans les rites au Senegal. Dakar: Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines. Sembene, Ousmane. 1972. The Money - Order. Lon- don: Heinemann Educational Books, African Writers Series. Sylla, Abdou. 1988. Creation et imitation dans I'art africain. Dakar: Institut Fondamental de I'Afrique Noire. Thiam, Iba Derand Nadior N'Diaye. 1976. Histoire de Senegal et de lAJrique. Dakar: Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines. 46 Wright, Ddnaici R. 19"'9. Onil Traditunts From the Gainhid. Wii 1: Mconlinka Ghals. Athens, Oliio: Center for hiternational Studies, Ohio University. SUGGESTED LISTENING The Griots: Si)igers and Historians of West Africa. Recorded by Samuel Charters. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 4178. African Flutes. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 4230. We .Music of the Diola-Fogny of the Casamance. Se- negal. Recorded by J. David Sapir. Smithsonian/ Folkways Records 4323. WolofMusic of Senegal and the Gambia. Recorded by David Ames. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 4462. Folk Music of the Gambia. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 4521. Songs ofSenegal . OussmaneM'Baye and African Fn- semble. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 8305. Kora Music from the Gambia. Smith.sonian/Folk- ways Records 8510. Gambian Griot Kora Duets. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 8514. Members uj the Luciyen, a Senegalese Muslim religiuu.^ bmiliLi- bdud. share tea and conversation after a meal in a New York City apartment. (Photo by Martha Cooper, courtesy City Lore) Al Teranga Among the Wolof People OmarMarone OmarMarone. Ph.D., now retired, was aprofessor ofeducation at the Universite Cbeikh Anta Diop de Dakar. He has done extensive research and fieldwork on Wolof education for the Universite Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar— Institttt Fondamental de lAfrique Noire. This is a translation and adaptation ofa larger article entitled, Essai Sur les fondements de I'education senegalaise a la lumiere des metaphores a queses de la langue Wolof. "Bulletin de I'IFAN Vol 31, series B no.3. 1969. T hese are the principal instalments of social organization among the Wolof: - the idea of a vital force - the cult of age the art of hospitaliry The Idea of a Vital Force Wolof education is based on an ideology that sees society as a sum of the life forces of its members. These individual life forces can be collectively mobilized to achieve the "specific energy" of a particular sociers'. Social education — with this philosophy in mind — becomes a permanent quest for social cohesion, for progressive adjustments in individual behavior that provide a person with a stable sense of socio-cultural identity so that the individual's life force contributes positively to the social whole. Hence, any disturbance to this collective plan, any individual sickness or impotence, any social failing produces a negative force that harms the "specific energy" of the community. The Wolof word nyumni means both intellectual integrity and physical well-being: it is a condition for social acceptability. The Cult of Age Kit magatul di mag. "He who has stopped growing is an adult." This aspect of Wolof thought envisions a process of maturing that leads a child through adoles- cence to adulthood. The process is marked by rites of passage, initiation rituals that are ordeals of separation and consecration: - weaning - circumcision or excision - deflowering of the virgin newlywed - tattooing the lips of a young woman. For the initiate, the passage from one stage to another is marked by the accumulation of knowledge, infomia- tion, feelings and discoveries. This process awakens the individual's ctjnsciousness and realization of the com- munal burden of new rights and duties. As an individual matures, he or she is increasingly responsible for insuring socio-cultural continuity. But one becomes an active bearer of group values — a person of knowledge — only after acquiring extensive life experience. The person of knowledge exhibits virtues of carefulness and incorruptibility and thereby earns titles of conserver, exemplar and guardian of the communal socio-cultural heritage, that is, of the group's "specific energy." The Art of Hospitality: Teranga A principal of universal kinship places a Wolof individual perpetually in situations of both giving and receiving. Any neglect of the duty of social exchange is a source of disturbances that can threaten the "specific energy" of the community. Among Wolof speaking people, the word teranga appropriately conveys this spiritual attitude. The root of the word teranga means a part of the body— legs, arms, etc. — or a portion of the whole, the result of a division. Taer means a portion owed to a person by right. The verb teral means to reassure a stranger of the safety of a place to which he or she has just arrived. A principal characteristic of Senegalese society, ter- anga is expressed in many customary practices. It is a set of formulas for well-being and for polite behavior taught particularly to young women, who are the future masters of hospitality. The formulas apply to relation- ships bet^veen both individuals and groups. Between Self and Others The education of a young woman aims at giving her all she needs to perpetuate good manners. These manners epitomize politeness, child-rearing skills, generosity and hospitality — qualities that predispose her to meet others as a manager of the on-going "specific energy" of the community. These are some formulas for good manners: How to sit: Avoid positions that are indecent or provoking to 48 others. Decency should aile all communication. How to address others-. Make a habit of using a low tone of voice appropriate for confidential information. Never raise your voice or use lewd words. Avoid contradicting people who are older than yourself. How to laugh: Never have outbursts of laughter. Smiling or discreet laughter is more appropriate. Keep a kind and friendly expression under all circumstances. How to look at others: Avoid looking at others insistently in the eye; to do so indicates aggression and lack of respect. How to eat: Always eat from a communal bowl with others. Never speak with a full mouth. Never touch meat or fish until adults have served you a portion. How to walk Walk at a normal pace, without hurPi'ing or amning. How to dress: Avoid sloppy, inappropriate or loud clothing or clothes that reveal the sacred parts of the body. Dress cleanly and with decency. How to offer and accept: Never offer or accept anything from anyone with the left hand. Use the right hand which indicates consid- eration and friendliness. Between Communities and Groups Let us examine, as examples, the relationships be- tween people who belong to a particular ca.ste and those who do not. Castes in Senegal have tacit codes of rules that regulate relationships between people. Those who belong to a particular caste have rights that those who do not belong are obliged to respect, under penalty of offending the established order. The rule of social priority that demands a caste member to avoid a non- caste member is sanctified in the practice of endoga- mous marriages. This rule leads to exchanges of gifts between caste members, who cannot refuse to recipro- cate without sustaining dishonor. This exchange, an expression of teranga, is the nile during ceremonies and feasts (wedding, naming ceremony, circumcision, tat- tooing of the lips, religious festivals and the like) to which relatives, friends and neighbors lend assistance. Towards Neighbor and Host By tradition, a neighbor who has just moved in must formally present himself to the inhabitants of his nev>- community. In return, they will visit him and welcome him with ritual greeting, dalaljanim, "may peace greet you here." This obligatory exchange of civilities assures a reciprocal welcome and avoids intolerance and disor- der. The same ritual formula is used with a stranger to keep him from feeling toiimoiiranke, "disorientation." To take care of all his small needs is to fulfill one's obligation of teranga. This form of teranga is expressed in a number of ways. - A welcome is amplified by unrolling a ceremonial cloth under his feet as a "red carpet." - A calabash full ( )f milk or water is offered along with a cola nut - The guest house called neeru gaini. "room for foreign guests," is prepared. - Neighbors contribute prepared food for meals to families during a guest's stay; they contribute gifts and provisions when he leaves. - A host shares his meals with his guest and avoids "leaving the table" first, abandoning him to finish the meal alone. In Special Circl'MSTances Teranga, which has the goal of establishing good human and social relationships, is also evident on certain special occasions. The naming ceremony is an opportunity- for parents, friends and neighbors to offer ndokale, "congratula- tions. " through their presence, a sign of respect and solidarity more meaningful than gifts of money. These recent expressions of ndokale reflect the contemporary value placed on material goods. The greatest teranga on this occasion is a godparent's double gift. The newborn receives the name of this well respected person, whose good qualities, according to belief, will also be con- ferred on the child. Offering condolences at a funeral— deiidj. related to deju "to be or stay seated, " — is a manifestation of teranga as compassion. It is offered as a communal act at the home of the deceased during the funeral ceremo- nies. At weddings, in addition to the usual congratulations, teranga is expressed in giving someone the role of iidieke, "first maid-of-honor," which is associated with a variety of responsibilities. It is a gesture usually be- stowed on an admired, close relative for whom being head of the procession and ceremonial host is a source of great pride. Teranga is proper conduct in communal rites. On these occasions good compc^rtment is rewarded and songs are offered to men or women whose behavior indicates they have given the community their own teranga. They have shown themselves secure bearers of traditions and guarantors of Wolof socio-cultural heri- tage. The Wolof word teranga is more than merely a synonym for hospitality-'. Teranga is an aesthetic and moral quality that encompasses much of the spirit of communality of Senegalese society. 49 Social Beliefs and Craft Practices Abdoii Sylla Translated by Winifred Lambrecht Abdou Sylla. Ph.D., is a professor ofbisto>y and sociolog}' specializin^J i)i West African craft traditions with Universite Cbeikh A>ita Diop de Dakar - Instititt Fondamental de L Aftiqiie Noir. This article is translated and adaptedfrom his book on African aesthetics. Creation et imitation de L'Art africain, Universite Cheikb Anta Diop de Dakar— IFAN 1988. Traditional Senegalese society was and still is organized along "caste" lines, that is to say, by distinct social categories which group individuals and their families according to specific occupations. A caste is a group of individuals who do particular kinds of work and distinguish themselves socially by that work. Within each caste, individuals have specified relationships with each other, following practices spe- cific to their group. The skills of each caste are passed from father to son, and from mother to daughter, vertically, but they also travel horizontally since initia- tion and other forms of education are carried out collec- ti\ely. In traditional Senegalese society, each indi\idual learned his fathers and his ancestors' skills: the individual became a jeweler or a cobbler if his father and his ancestors were jewelers or cobblers. And initiation into the ancestors' trade was mandatory. An individual was obliged to learn not only the occupational skills associated with a particular caste but also the accumu- lated knowledge of its customs and beliefs. It was and still is impossible to escape one's caste. The prejudices and beliefs attached to a caste attach to the individual. Individuals are born into a caste and belong to it all their lives. Modernization contributes, of course, to the decline of traditional occupations and of traditional initiation into them, particularly in urban centers. But, even so, the beliefs, prejudices and customs associated with each caste still endure. In villages, tradition and crafts are still prevalent and exclusive. Within the society, however, castes are not closed autonomous groups isolated from one another. Rela- tionships between castes are based on work, on tradi- tion and on social beliefs. These relationships were first incorporated in the reciprocal exchanges of labor. Undoubtedly, certain castes have had the value of their labor progressively diminish during the course of his- tory. The devaluation is the result of a number of factors including colonization, which introduced new kinds of work and the capitalistic division of labor. As a result. in urban centers, tradition became less determinate. Nevertheless, the stratification of society into castes remains permanent; and that permanency is always noticeable, especially during social events such as weddings, naming ceremonies and funerals, in which members of different castes customarily perform par- ticular tasks. Not anyone who wants to can be master of ceremonies for a certain family's social event; one has to be the family's,^no? or praise singer. And in exchange for obligations met and services rendered, the griot, like his parents before him, expects considerations and gifts. Historically all men belonged to specific castes and all were free, except slaves, members of the lowest group, which was not tmly a caste, since domestic slavery was the result of warfare and raiding. The practice of African slavery was intensified in the 18th and 19th centuries, driven by the triangular economy tying Europe, Africa and America. In this practice any person could become a slave, domestic or exported, and at the time, any slaver risked becoming a slave himself as a result of defeat. Generally speaking, castes appear as groups which are hereditary, endogamous, occupation specific and connected with one another thrtxigh hierarchical ties. The Geer or Nobles The caste of nobles, called geerin Wolof, is at the top of the caste hierarchy. An important segment of this caste formerly did nc:)t have a materially productive occupation. That segment was composed of royal fami- lies: the Damel of Cayor, the Tegne of Baol, the Buur of Sine, the Gelewar of the Wolof region, the Ceddo of the Manding area, and others. Members of this segment usually governed society and led armies. The other part of the geer caste are the baadolo. agricultural peasants who were not craftsmen. They represented the majority of the population. The ideal virtues associated with the position of geer are basically 7'oom (honor and dignity-), miifi (patience) and kersa (decency) which each geer is obliged to enact through behavior, appearance, way of dressing, and the like. 50 Theoretically all other castes of craftsmen, called neeno, work for the geer caste; and every geer family has relationships with workers from the other castes, specialized in the various occupations. Every geer and every geer family is obliged to offer gifts and services to the members of the neeno caste who ser\-e them. These relationships of exchange are hereditaiy, rendered perennial through custom. The Tegg The second caste in the social hierarchy is that of jew- elers and blacksmiths whom the Wolof call tegg: they share the common occupation of working fire-heated metals by hitting or pounding them. Other characteris- tics distinguish them from one another. Jewelers gener- ally work with precious metals, gold and silver mostly, sometimes using the lost wax method; they fashion wearable objects of small size (earrings, rings, pendants, necklaces, and the like) guided only by aesthetic principles. Blacksmiths on the other hand, are tradition- ally specialists in making utilitarian objects (axes, adzes, hoes, knives) and weapons (guns, spears, sabers, knives, swords, arrowheads.) Jewelers and blacksmiths are thus essential in Senegalese society: they fashion all the tools necessaiy for economic production and .social fimction. the ornamental objects and tools commonly u.sed in domestic life. Metalworkers also fulfill a variety of religious, cul- tural, social and political functions: they are mediators, both among living members of social groups and between the worlds of the living and the dead. They or- ganize funerals and secret societies; they can be coun- selors to or messengers between political powers. Met- alworkers' wives are equally multi-talented; they assist women who are sick, giving birth, or dying, and they also are potters. The multiple social roles the tegg play and the mysterious quality of fire and the forge explain the ambivalent feelings they generate: respect and fear, admiration and spite among others. Traditionally each tegg or tegg family is attached to one or more geer or geer family and that relationship is transmitted from one generation to the next. Theoreti- cally, a tegg gives higher priority to the manufacture of those objects commissioned by his geer and the latter can require his punctual services at an\' time. In exchange, the tegg receives goods and services from his geer, notably during important events occurring in the geer family. Standing obligation and reciprocal ex- change are enforced by both parties; to agree to it always and everywhere is part of the ethical code of each caste. Although in the old society the tegg usually worked only when commissioned, in the modern world the tegg produces a variety of pieces which he exhibits in shop windows and offers to potential clients. Nev- ertheless, the particular relationships between tegg and geer still exists. The Unde Uude form the third caste, that of cobblers; they work with leather, which they tan, prepare, dye and decorate in the manufacture of knife sheaths and sword scabards, sandals, horse saddles, bags, billfolds, belts, amulet cases and leather bracelets. Like the metalworkers in traditional society', the leatherworkers were attached to geer or geer families from father to son. This tradition has been perpetuated until now, but like the metalwork- ers, the leatherworkers do not restrict their clientele. Undoubtedly, Senegalese leatherwork, particularly that of urban centers, has long been indebted to the leatherwork from the Maghreb, not only for its styles of footwear, typically, hahoiicbes or Turkish slippers, but also for the acquisition of tanned skins. Senegalese cob- blers preferred the tanned pelts imported from Morocco and Tunisia for two main qualities: they were easier to work and they were stronger than locally available pelts. Nevertheless, in recent years Senegalese cobblers have produced a varied array of styles of slippers for the Muslim holiday of Tabaski. These are tanned by the leatherworkers in Senegal. The skins are dyed in vibrant colors which have replaced the more pastel colors of the Maghreb skins. Local goat and sheep skins are used more and more for everyday use, whereas the very costly tanned skins imported from the Maghreb, are saved for the manufacture of babouches for the wealthy. The dynamic quality of this craft can be measured by its abundance of products, variety of styles, number of workshops in various districts, and low asking prices. Like the weavers and the sculptors, the leatherworkers are organized into guilds, each workshop having a specific hierarchy. Nevenheless, the tools of the trade have remained traditional. The Rebb The weavers, named rebb by the Wolof. form the fourth caste, which is fast disappearing because of modernization and the textile factories that have ap- peared in our country. Although in traditional society weaving provided cloth for all clothes, today it produces cloth mainly for women's wrap-around skirts and the large men's robes called bonbons. In rural areas weaving is still practiced by families, and they maintain the same kind of exchange relation- ships with other castes as those already described. Within the caste of rebb (weavers), are also the ;»c7£:7iio (woodcarvers). Woodcarvers produce utilitar- ian objects like mortars and pestles, drums and dugout canoes, benches and chairs, basins, plates, forks, ladles, statues and masks. Today, their various products are sold all over the country and sometimes exported. Usually settled in the crafts neighborhoods of urban centers or in family workshops, woodcarvers are tradi- tionally organized in guilds. The head of the guild is 51 responsible for the gathering of primary materials and for the marketing of products. Sometimes he directs young apprentices to market the carvings in hotels and markets, in airports and public squares, or he sends them abroad. Tliis is why we can now see young wood- worker merchants selling statues and other African art objects in large European and American cities. They are called bana-bana and their merchandise is known as "airport art." Woodcarvers are known for their linguistic play and impertinence. In that, they resemble the griot, masters of language. Their wives do several kinds of work, such as braiding the hair ofwomen from other castes, particu- lady the geer, making women's beaded belts worn around the waist and small intimate apparel called m 'becho; and mixing ingredients for incense. Beaded belts, m'becho and incense are designed for sexual allure. Women of the woodcarver caste have their own beaded belts that sometimes weigh several pounds and move so as to attract attention to their hips. They have special dances with their beads and hips. All these customs and behavior are socially accepted because woodcarver castes have traditional license to ignore modesty and reserve. Each caste follows a particular code of ethics; it creates a way of life according to its rules and shapes the attitudes and behavior of its individual members. Thus, one may know, sometimes ahead of time, the kind of reactions and the answers an individual might give, depending on the customs and ethics of his caste. The Getval In pre-literate societies, where writing and modern means of communication did not exist, the spoken word and the use of language were e.ssential to social organi- zation, to relationships between individuals and to transmission of knowledge, ideas, and values. This is the reason the griot (oral historian) is without a doubt the most well-known and popular figure of traditional Africa, and of Senegal in particular. The griots, or geww/ belong to the fifth caste. Tradi- tionally, they are considered to be of inferior status and are the troubadours, musicians, singers, oral historians. praise singers, and the like who generally serve noble families. In traditional society they also played other roles, such as messenger, confidant, and public enter- tainer. They used to praise and glorify the geer. They told of the heroic feats of warriors. They taught history and instilled social values in younger generations. They might also serve as social mediators and masters of ceremonies. Attached to geer families for generations, the griot received gifts and other goods and was often totally dependent on them. The Jaani The /aani, or slaves, do not in fact constitute a caste. Descendants of past prisoners of war, in many cases, they held inferior status. They depended their whole lives on their masters for food, lodging and clothing and could be inherited by their master's heirs. Every above- mentioned caste could own slaves. Jaam were at the ex- clusive disposal of their master. They were the ones who usually cultivated their master's land and performed what are known as "servile" activities. But the slavery system has gradually disappeared in African societies because of its interdiction by the modern state system and also because of changes in world-view. These different castes are very separate, even today, and relate to each other only in a traditionally approved manner. For instance, marriage arrangements are still endogamous: marriages are allowed only between people of the same caste. It is extremely rare that a geer marries a tegg and, a tegg's trying to marry a geer would be an insult to the geer family in question. In urban centers however, tradition and custom are becoming less important because of modernization and the chang- ing of popular consciousness; traditional taboos are gradually being eliminated. Although they have often been perceived as a reason for stagnation in traditional society, castes have contrib- uted to the maintenance of social cohesion. Caste- based production has filled the basic needs of African populations, contributing essential technology and social organization. In traditional Africa, they were elemen- taiy forms of social classes. Traditional Education and Circumcision Among the Diola in Rural Senegal Fulgence Sagtia Translated by Winifred Lambrecht Fulgence Sagna is a researcher andfolkloristfor the Centre d Etude des civilisations. He is the area specialistfor Diola culture. This article ivas published in Demb ak Tey. a Senegalese folklore Journal and is excetpted nith permission from Centre d'Etude des civilisations. Min- istere de la Culture de Senegal. In Senegal, a child's education starts eady in life, since according to a proverb, "A tree already grown cannot be straightened." A child still crawling on all fours is watched carefully by his mother. She is the guardian of the hearth. The father, provider of material well-being, has other daily activi- ties. Both contribute to the child's education. The mother is responsible for the child's fcxxi. She admonishes him to sleep on his side to encourage a healthy physical development. She does not allow him to sleep on his belly or his back, for it is believed that sleeping face down diminishes one's life chances, and sleeping on one's back creates bad dreams. During his first three years, a child imitates adult activities, such as cooking. In rural areas, around the age of four or fi\e, a boy's education becomes different from a girl's. A girl is encouraged to do household work and is introduced to agricultural tasks. A boy is responsible for keeping goats, sheep and even cattle. He will then learn to work the fields with his father and will join a group of boys his own age. Members of this group help one another in cultivating peanuts and weeding. Male circumcision is a social institution among many of the peoples of Senegal, but nowhere is it more important than among the Diola. The rite of circumci- sion is governed by firm rules shared throughout the ethnic community whose economic and cultural life rests on this ethical foundation. According to tradition, circumcision takes place every 1^ to 20 years. Each village undertakes the ritual ceremonies at the same time. The purpose of circumcision is to admit young boys to the community of men as responsible members. It is required of them in order to marry. The sequence ot events during the period of circumcision — isolation from the family, tests of endurance, instaiction and learning and return to the family — permanently marks the life of a young man. - Isolation for three to four months in the sacred grove separates the young from their nuclear families and enhances learning. The length of time has now been reduced because of the conversion of many Diola to Islam or Christianity and the introduction of non- traditional formal education. - Tests of endurance build a sense of responsibility toward the group of young men and toward the society as a whole. One must give proof of courage and withstand physical and psychological pain. - Civic and moral instniction aims at transforming the young initiates into responsible members of the com- munity of men. - Their return to family life marks their attainment of adult status in the community. The internal structure of circumcision rituals is known only by the Diola. It originated with the creation of sacred groves in the ancient villages of Boulouf Fogny and Lower-Casamance. Recently founded vil- lages do not have the right to practice circumcision. During the two days that precede entrance into the sacred groves, certain rites must be performed. These are shaving the head, benediction with sacred water and protection by the forge. - Shaving the head is done in a sacred spot found in each section of a village. It takes place, for instance, near the sacred post named Boukeg in the Diedhiou family section of Niankite-Fougaye. The rite protects the child from bad luck; if it is not respected by the parents of the future initiate, he will have bad luck for the rest of his life. A second part of the ritual takes place 53 at the Battum forge belonging to the Diedhiou family at Niankite in the Fougaye section. This defends against malevolent spirits that cause childhood diseases and against certain sorcerers. Libations made near two sacred posts protect the child against all evil, - The sacred water rite also takes place in each section of the village. Initiates from the villages of Niassarang and Kagnarou receive their benedicticm in the village of Niassarang one day prior to their entrance in the sacred grove. A blessing is made to the water in a depression between two sections of the exposed roots of a fro- mager tree located in the Essyl neighborhood. The initiates are grouped and isolated from women at this time because the sacred water can damage women's normal reproductive development. It makes young women become infertile, pregnant women abort, and women of post childbearing age have menses for the rest of their lives. - A ritual at the forge protects initiates from dangers that could strike them in the sacred grove. Whoever seeks the blessing of the water of the forge is safe and whoever fails to do so becomes a leper. Blacksmiths heat iron glowing red, then dip it into water. That water is sprinkled on the future initiates. For Fogny, the ritual takes place in the villages of Niankite, Suelle, and Diakine among the Diedhiou families, who alone are in charge of the forge. Circumcision in Kagnarou Village According to Diola tradition, entrance into the sacred grove must be sanctioned by the spiritual beings who reside there. Men in charge of the sacred grove appoint the person who widely announces the date on which the initiates may enter. The day is usually selected according to the ancestral, lunar calendar. The eve of the entrance into the sacred grove is marked in the various village neighborhoods by cele- brations that include shooting off firearms. Villagers are divided into two groups, and those from the Bapolon- dioc neighborhood are the first to circle the fromager tree four to seven times. In Niankite village it is those from the Fougaye section who circle the fromager tree. At this time, gunshots increa.se, and singing is accompa- nied by flutes, horns and the clash of metal objects. These shooting demonstrations take place in the after- noon and evening, sometimes longer. Foubalot Badji, the great sorcerer from Bignona county, makes future initiates invulnerable with a traditional meal that pro- tects them against swords, knives, arrows and bullets. Finally, on the next day, the day appointed by the spirits for entering into the sacred grove, the opening ritual is carried out by those who belong to the oldest neighborhood. At Kagnarou, since people from Bopolon- dioc refused to agree to the conditions requested by their grove, they delegated the solemn opening to people from the Kassana neighborhood. After that section, Kansy, Dialamantang, Baliyoeng, and others follow. A huge crowd led by dancers follows the future initiates. Women come behind singing. They have tears in tlieir eyes at the thought that their sons may not return after their stay in the grove. Some carry a jug of water or dolo, a drink made from millet flour, water, and a special plant reserved for the initiates. A line at the edge of the grove marks a boundary beyond which strangers and women cannot go. There the initiates are given a drink of water or dolo and then enter the grove in single file. The rhythm of gunshots increases. Women and visitors must return io the village. At Mlomp village in Bignona county, the shaving ritual is performed in front of a large crowd on the day the initiates enter the grove. Shaving is done with a knife or razor blade. When a future initiate is shaved, a tuft of hair is left near the forehead. Women carry smolder- ing bunches of palm nuts whose copious smoke dis- tracts evil spirits. The initiates' remaining tuft of hair is removed near a fromager tree chosen for that occasion in each neighborhood. In the Fogny area, the tuft is removed at the ancestral home of the founder of a .section. In Mlomp, rituals take place alongside holes from which earth was dug to make mortar for building houses. The initiates circle a hole seven times, preceded by their mentors. Women are not allowed to take part in this procession. All Mlomp neighboriiuods go tc^ a central grove located in the South for the initial testing of their initiates. The priority for entrance is the same as in the Fogny and Boulouf areas. Those from the oldest neigh- borhood enter first. All must obey the rules and wait at the outskirts of the grove. If ancestral priorities are not respected, severe consequences await the erring neigh- 54 borhood.s. Deaths, di.sappearanct-s and cases of insanity may result for those who disobeyed. Grove spirits harass group members until ancestral mles are followed and sacrifices made. Once the first part of the ritual at the central grove has ended, men surround the initiates, who carry branches with green leaves. A procession to each of the other sacred groves then follows. Gunshots cease. All that can be heard is the singing of men that calls forth courage and willpower from each initiate about to receive the ancestral seal of circumci- sion. The rituals that take place inside the grove concern the Diola people only. To reveal them would result in death or insanity'. 55 Musics of Struggle Anthony Seeger Introduction If music were not a powerful resource in social and political struggles it would not be so widely censored, controlled, and surrounded with restrictions. All around the world music creates loyalties and galvanizes oppo- sition so well that music itself sometimes becomes an object of struggle, rather than an expression of broader issues. Americans with long memories will recall the politically motivated artist blacklisting in the 1950s, the moral furor over the Rolling Stones in the 1960s, and many other so-called "crises" that prefigured today's uneasiness about rap and heavy metal. As I write, several states are debating record labeling statutes, Newsweek presents a cover story on rap music (March 19, 1990 with letters in subsequent issues), and Gary Trudeau's comic strip "Doonesbury" caricatures the generational, exclusionary, aspects of American popu- lar music (The Washington Post, March 5-10, 1990). At the same time, song and dance accompany liberation movements in South Africa, the Baltic, and the Middle East; union halls swell with song, and musical groups in Latin America promote local community development. "Other people" aren't the only ones who use music in their struggles. Did you ever make up a song about one of your teachers, a girlfriend or boyfriend, your boss, or try "rapping" about something that bothered you? Did you ever remain stubbornly silent when everyone else was singing something you didn't agree with? Maybe you recall singing (or not singing) "We Shall Overcome" as you marched in 'Washington, "I Ain't Gonna Study 'War No More" in the antiwar movement, or some other song that expressed political positions you held. 'Whether you joined with thousands of others in public or sang alone in the shower, you probably have some experience with the subject of this summer's music program, "Musics of Staiggle." Performers at the 1990 Fe,stival of American Folklife will present some of the music they have used in their struggles, and you will have an opportunity to contrib- ute your own songs of struggle to the archives of the Smithsonian Institution's Office of Folklife Programs by singing them to collectors at the Festival. This short essay outlines some general features of music in social stniggles. By no means complete, readers can supple- ment it with examples from their own experience and with the books and records cited in the bibliography.' How Is Music Meaningful? Music consists of structured sounds, including pitches that are combined to form melodies, beats that are combined to form rhythms, and sound textures that are combined to form what musicians call timbres. Repeti- tive patterns are central to all music, and the patterns are given meanings by performers and their audiences, by fans as well as detractors. The patterns of each musical feature may convey meaning, and each can be varied to change or comment on its usual associations. Thus some people may associate a certain melody — a national anthem for example— with national pride and citizenship; but to others the melody may mean political oppression and exclusionary laws. Playing the melody to a different rhythm, at a different speed, or with unusual orchestration can mock or accentuate the .sentiments usually as.sociated with it. Certain rhythms can be significant in themselves. The steady beat of a march may recall parades, wars, or sports events. A "disco" beat may inspire dancing while other rhythms may recall national, regional, or ethnic traditions. Sometimes rhythms can be quite specific. In Afro-Brazilian religious drumming, certain rhythms are as.sociated with specific deities. While Western musicology has rarely focused on sound qualities, the.se can have associations of their The Musics ofStruggle Program has been madepossible, in part, by the Music Performance Trust Funcis. the Inter- American Foundation and the Arab American Cultural Foundation. 'Mast of the literature on music of struggle deals with specific traditions. Very few general obser\'ations appear to have been made about the relation of music to struggle outside of particular historical circumstances Chut see Denselow 1989). This essay is an initial attempt at such an approach. Readers are invited to send their suggestions and comments to the author at the Office of Folklife Programs 56 own. The same melody and rhythm performed on a brass band will have a different effect on the audience from a performance on violins or piccolos. Certain instrumental or vocal timbres become associated with class, regional, national, or even international traditions. The unique sound quality of Andean Indian instalments has itself become an emblem of an emerging ethnic and regional identity, quite apart from the melodies and rhythms performed on them. Sound qualities are directly associated with types of instamients (even in this age of the synthesizer), and certain sounds may be associated with the regional origin or social history of the instruments themselves. Swiss horns, Norwegian hardingfiddles, American banjos, Caribbean steel drums, Scottish bagpipes, African royal claims, and many other instruments have associations with a region, a way of life, and often with a type of music. Just a little bit of their sound carries with it many other as.sociations. Music is structurally repetitive. Sometimes the repe- titions themselves are significant. They may even embody a cosmology, where a pattern is repeated tor each of the cardinal directions, each of the major deities, or some other consecrated number. As long ago as 1779 the French writer/philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau noted that the "meaning" of music does not reside in its physical sounds so much as in their interpretation. His famous description of how a certain song could make Swiss army troops burst into tears, desert, or even die, makes this important general point about music: We shall seek in vain to find in this air any energetic accents capable of producing such astonishing effects. These effects, which are void in regard to straugeis, come alonefrom custom, refection, and a thousand circumstances, which retrac'd by those who hear them, and recalling the idea of their country, their former pleasures, their youth, and all the joys of their life, excite in them a bitter sorrow for the loss of them. The music does not in this case actprecisely as music [physical sound], bid as a memorativesign... It is not in their physical action we should seek for the great effects ofsrmnds on the huma)i hea}-t. (Rou,sseau 1975 [17791:267, emphasis mine) The "thousand circumstances" that give meaning to melodies, rhythms, and timbres are specific and histori- cal. Since each aspect of music (melody, rhythm, timbre, repetitiveness) can be varied independently to comment on or modify the significance of the other aspects, music can be a complex system of signs capable of being used even without words in staiggles. Song is the combination of music and language. The addition of words to music adds rhetorical power and semantic complexity to the already subtle messages sent and interpreted through in,staimental music. Most song texts are poetry, constaicted within constraints of meter, sometimes rhyme, and sometimes the pitches of a tonal language. Song texts can convey information in many different ways and can be altered to suit the occasion even more easily than musical features. In comparison with speech, most song texts are relatively fixed, and their association with particular melodies can serve both memory and irony. Scmgs permit the creation of complex relationships betw^een the music and the text. Sometimes the music will be used to express one message and the text to express another altogether. A songwriter can take a popular melody and write new words to it that may even contradict the original song. Joe Hill, a labor songwriter for the I.W.W., took the melody from a hymn "In the Sweet Bye and Bye" and parodied its religious rhetoric with the words "You'll get pie in the sky, bye and bye." He also used the melody from a song about a prostitute and wrote words to it about a woman labor organizer; and took the melody of a popular love song and put words to it about a prostitute. The "Battle Hymn of the Republic" and "Solidarity Forever" use the same melody to express different ideas. The combination of a well- known melody with new words can be an important re- source in the musics of struggle. Music does not only convey messages. Performing music can increase feelings of community and solidar- ity. One way to turn a crowd into a community is to get people to sing, chant, or gesture together (the last being effectively u.sed in the Gallaudet "Deaf President Now" protests in 1988 represented at this year's Festival). There are many participatory singing traditions in the hi! l>nuv audh^h, pn-.hkul Ini.i,, /-,/.-, LIIIII1ls\ (Hllllllldil I III! \l<iiin IV lead the chantfor ii "deaf 1 1 Miliportive crowd. (Photo byfeff Beatly. isii] Press) United States, among them civic, religious, and popular songs. People will often join in when they know the music, and this is another reason many songwriters have taken old melodies and put new words to them. Although we may consider union songs or modified spirituals as seen in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement to be "typical" protest songs, no single musical form or song cont. page 59 57 Songs and Stories of STRUGGLE: MuSIC AND VeRSE As Ethical Discourse Jacquelhi C. Peters The Pittston Coal Strike The Greenwich, Connecticut headquarters of the Pittston Company is far from the southwest Virginia coal miners it employs both in miles and in attitude, from the point of view of organized labor. Citing a need to revamp Pittston's financial struc- ture in the late 1980s, management decided to reduce costs by cutting a number of miners' benefits, including life- time health care pen- sions. Since coal miners enter the occupation recognizing its high risk of black lung disease and other mine related ailments, health care benefits have been part of labor contracts for decades. Pittston also wanted mandatory over- time, increased numbers of non-union workers and sub-contracting to nc:>n- union companies. Fourteen months into negotia- tions, members of the United Mine Workers of America voted to strike; it began on April 4, 1989. A musical dimension of this struggle emerged in the newly composed lyrics sung to traditional gospel and bluegrass music. Mrs. Edna Sauls of the Daugh- ters of Mother Jones emerged as an inspired lyricist, and the Rabbit Ridge Pea Pickers became well- known musical morale boosters. One lyric written in response to repeated encounters with Virginia state troopers and addressed to former Governor Baliles said: Sinking cmil mhn'i^ ;(.* miisic picket line. (I'holo by Richard Bm If 'llrkc^^s of A mencci ) Going to Richmond. And when I go. Tell that old Virginia boy We ain 't gonna haul no coal. During the Christmas season, traditional carols were given a new slant with words that ex- pressed the determina- tion of the miners to stand firm. Hazel Dickens of Mercer County, West Virginia, whose musical talents were featured in the Academy Award win- ning film "Harlan County, U.S.A." and in "Matewan," has sung what she calls "southern mountain music" for most of her life. Her father mined for a living and made music for enjoyment in addition to working as a Baptist minister. His eleven children grew up singing and playing instalments. Ms. Dickens' home community experienced lay-offs and strikes, and she lost her oldest brother and two brothers-in-law to black lung disease. Her songs on social issues and coal mining — including one she wrote on black lung— embody the experience and aesthetics of a vital, regional music tradition, interpreted through her own individ- ual perspective and remarkable talent. Ms. Dickens notes how similar the mine wars of the 1920s were to the Pittston strike. Then as now, "gun thugs" were used to try to intimidate the strik- ((,•. a III: hero, c: <-ii/c hitislernii the iitcsy liiUecl Mine 58 ers. Ms. Dickens observed that the Pittston strikers, like their predecessors 60 years ago, were "extremely spirited" in their resolve to fight, "It was great to see," said Ms. Dickens, who has given several perform- ances to benefit the Pitt.ston miners. CITA TIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Camo Carols. 1989. Adapted by Julie McCall for the Labor Heritage Foundation. Madison. Wl: Lake- side Press. Dentzer, Susan. 1990. A healthy settlement for mine workers: Pittston strikers won big, but the fight over retiree benefits has just begun. U.S. News & World Report. January 15:45. Fowke, Edith and Joe Glazer. 1973. SoufiSofWork and Protest. New York: Dover Publications. Korson, George. 1964. Minstrels oftheMine Patch: Songs and Stories oftheAnthracite Indiistiy. Hathoro. PA: Folklore Associates, Inc. Pittston Coal Miners. 1989. Highlander Reports. Fall:2-3. Pittston Miners' Strike a Clash of Principles and Personalities. 1989. Chicago Tribune. Nov. 26: sec- tion 1, p. 11. Thompson, Chariie D. 1989. The Pittston Strike. Southern Clnuiges. ll(h):I, 3-6. SUGGESTED LISTENING Dickens, Hazel. A Few Old Memories. Rtninder Records 11529. . Its Hard to Tell the Singer From the Song. Rounder Records 0220. . Come All You Coal Miners. Rounder Records 4005. . Hard Hitting Songsfor Hard Hit People. Rounder Records 0126. Glazer, Joe. Down in a Coal Mine. Collector Rec- ords 1923. . We (AW: Fifty )'ears in So)ig & Story. Collector Records 1940. coni . from page 57 style can be isolated as "the music of staiggle." Almost any kind of music can be used as a sign of struggle, depending on the meanings given to the performances by participants and their opponents. An instrumental arrangement can be as forceful as a lyric; a rhythm can be as expressive as a phrase. Sometimes an unchanged old folk song is as potent as a new composition. The meaning of a musical performance depends to a large extent on the specific context in which it occurs — the "thousand circumstances" referred to by Rousseau and rarely understood fully except after considerable inves- tigation. Why Use Music in Struggles? why do people involved in struggles make music at all? Wouldn't it be more effective to work silently and resolutely to change an unsatisfactoi^ situation rather than sing songs about it? Although it has been argued "the pen is mightier than the sword," what would happen if everyone put down their pens, stopped making music, and took up swords? What indeed! They might all swing their swords in different directions, at different times, and at different fcjes. Among other things, music can focus attention, mobilize emotions, and coordinate activities. To mobilize people toward a goal, you need to make the issues clear, you need to get people to agree with them, and you need to incite them to act. Music can accomplish these quite effectively. Songs can help bring certain i.ssues into focus and specify an approach to them. Song words can be standardized and passed on without requiring that people read, write, or possess incriminating evidence. Music can focus attention on injustices, create feelings of solidarity, advocate a cer- tain cause, encourage supporters, and frighten oppo- nents. It can create links between the present and the past while helping to create a new and different future. Music is not unique in its ability to act symbolically in struggle. Although language, dialect, speeches, written documents, dancing, theater, dress, and even food can all mobilize groups, music has several attri- butes that make it particularly suitable for mobilizing people. Songs often can be performed while doing something else (like working or marching); they don't necessarily require physical objects (props, stoves, plates, etc.), they can be changed quickly, and they can be sufficiently abstract to unify a wide range of support and confuse the opposition. Although music is widely used in struggles, it is not found everywhere. Protest is sometimes expressed through silence or another expressive mode. Where most public forms of music are dominated by a central state, opposition to the state may take non-musical forms. Where individual opinions are not culturally sanctioned, new songs may not be composed. Where music is considered to be a low status form of activity, performers of higher status may choose other modes of expression. Opposition may be expressed by refusing to participate (silence) or refusing to attend perform- ances (boycotting) rather than through music itself. Silence is probably a fairly common protest in societies where eveiyone is expected to participate, and where 59 all music is ritual and cannot be altered to convey particular messages. Boycotting performances (and attending other performances) is probably common in societies where attending an event is considered to indicate group membership or common cause with the organizers and performers. Yet in societies with a fair degree of individualism, where musical composition and performances are considered to be voluntaiy acts, the use of music in .staiggles seems likely to appear. Protest music especially written for a certain struggle can take a number of different approaches. They may simply state "we are here, and we endure." They may emphasize the common identity of group feeling or relate information and spread recent news (like aural newspapers) or recall past events that exemplify the struggle (like stories of massacres or victories), or commemorate movement heroes and even other song- writers. They may refer to ethical values and evoke emotions by describing a tense situation with humor or irony (often present in topical songs), or by making fun of powerful opponents — supervi,sors, teachers, politi- cians, a church. By commemorating the past and singing about heroes, songs can relate a local stmggle to a larger social movement, endowing local events with a wider historical significance. Conversely, a larger movement may make more sense when its i.ssues are exemplified by references to local events. Music of struggle is often functional and disposable. When the situation changes, the music will be changed. A topical song may have a dramatic relevance one moment and be swiftly forgotten as other i.s.sues arise. The subtle relationship of music and text may be forgotten when the music no longer has the same associations. On the other hand, songs long dormant may be revived, changed, and used again, gaining and conferring cumulative historical significance. The performances presented in the 1990 Festival of American Folklife all commemorate recent movements, or movements which are frequently recalled. Yet some of their .songs have a long history. Investigating Musics of Struggle Many different kinds of struggle have musical expres- sion. The best way to approach the subject is to examine first the nature of the struggle and then the way its participants use and interpret music, if they do so at all. Struggle can be defined as "A continued effort to resist force or free oneself from constraint" (Oxford English Dictionary). It can be contrasted with "protest" which means to make a public declaration against something. Struggles include protests, but struggles are the larger social process which actually oppose particu- lar social practices. Human societies are filled with struggles, which take a variety of forms. Social life is characterized as much by conflict as by harmony. Virtually every social group is cxjmposed of smaller groups with different access to important resources and different power to constrain others — crucial differences that generate tensions and conflict. In some societies the main contrasts may be age and gender. In other societies divisions may fall along ethnic lines; in yet others they may be formed by birth, naming, or the inheritance of scarce knowledge or resources. In nearly every society some members of the groups so formed attempt to escape from these con- straints or at least to create areas where constraints do not a-pply. Some types of conflict are constant within a society, others appear from time to time, and yet others are very specific and occur only once in a while. Some of the most obvious forms of conflict appear between age and gender groups, within occupations, in political disputes, between culturally defined groups, and in international events. Domestic Struggles Not all struggles involve ethnic groups, political parties, or labor unions. Some struggles occur in the home, between parents and children and between men and women. Conflicts between parents and children and between an age group and its nearby age groups are common in many societies. There is often more harmony between more distantly related people — grandparents and grandchildren, older and much younger — than between adjacent groups. In the United States the family is an arena of considerable conflict. Children's struggles with their parents are amply documented in popular music, which may become the object of paren- tal protest — witness the furor over Madonna's song "Papa Don't Preach." Relations between men and women define another area of considerable conflict in many societies. Rela- tions between men and women have been a topic of songs for centuries. An old lament goes: Oh hard is the fortune of all ivomenkind Always controlled and always confined Controlled by their parents until they are wives nen slaves to their husbands the rest of their lives. If that has changed, it has been through individual, collective, and legislative struggles. The women's rights movements of the 20th century have stimulated many excellent songwriters. U.S. popular music tends to highlight the difticulties confronted in relationships with members of the oppo- site sex in musical forms produced for dancing with them. Many country music lyrics speak of loneliness and isolation. Often decried for ignoring larger social cont. page 63 60 Kurds Jcicqiielin C. Peters Kurdistan — "land of the Kurds" — a fertile area rich in oil, chrome, copper, iron and lignite, occupies an expanse of land only slightly smaller than the state of Texas, but it cannot be found on standard maps today. For thousands of years, Kurds have inhabited the Zagros and Taurus mountains of eastern Anatolia, which span parts of present day Iraq, Iran, Syria, Tur- key, and Soviet Armenia. Kurdish attempts to assert political autonomy have been opposed — often violently — by the governments of sur- rounding countries. Continuing clashes between the Kurds and the national powers have devas- tated and displaced their population. Deported and sub- jected to chemical warfare in Iraq, the Kurds have been es- pecially hard hit in the 1980s. The assault on this ethnic group takes on cultural aspects in Syria and in Iran, where traditional clothing and holidays, such as the Newroz (New Year's Day), have been declared illegal. In the hands of artists such as Shivan Perwer, Feqiye Teyra and Temo Ezzadin, the tambour — a traditional instrument with three sets of doubled strings — makes music that is perceived as a threat by the countries they fled. Said Gabari, a musician who resided in Syria, is said to have been blinded ten years ago as a result of his musical themes. Other renown Kurdish singers living in exile include Naser Razzazi, who performed for the Kurdish Newroz celebration sponsored by the D.C. chapter of the Kur- dish National Congress, and Sherin, who employs na- tionalistic themes and exemplifies the prominent role Wcdiitin Hiiliiiihi! t/rcss. Ki(n/s ce ilarch 2-4. IWO Tlu'se material, cer •thiiK identity are frirhicliletJ hy gon Umnuite the Kurds tPhnln coiiite.s] women have had throughout Kurdish history. The poetic message of the songs, sometimes .strong, sometimes subtle, is dangerous rhetoric or high art according to the listener's perspective. Citations and Further Readings Bois, Th. V. Minorsky and D.N. MacKenzie. 1960. Kurds, Kurdistan. Ihe Encyclopedia ofIslam (new edition). Leiden, The Nethedands: E.J. Brill. Kurd. 198S. ne New Encyclopedia Bh- taunica. 7:40. Laber, Jeri (S; Lois Whiteman. 1988. Destroying Ell.uiic Identity: The Kurds of Turkey: A Helsinki Watch Report. March 1988. New York: Human Rights Watch. ne Proliferation of Chemical Warfare: Tlye Holocaust at Halahja. 1988. 'Washington, DC: People for a Just Peace. Woodson, LeRoy, Jr. I97S. We Who Face Death. National Geoi>raphic. l47(3):364-387. Suggested Listening Chants et Miisiqiies dii Kurdistan: Croupe Kama Zozan. Arion ARN 33719. Kurdish Folk Musicfrom Western Iran. Recorded by Dieter and Nerthus Christensen. Ethnic Folkways Library FE 4301. Kurdish Folk Songs and Dances. Recorded by Ralph S. Solecki. Ethnic Folkways Library FE -n(39. Temo, Barde du Kurdistan: la tradition et Te.xil. Ocora. Radio France 588 573, MU 218. Feqiye Teyra. Kurdistan 1988. Gema GVL 31126. iehrate .Xeiiro: (.Xeie )ears> mi emnnuil ami cultural exlnessuDis nj riiDieuls •ecl-ui.ii ta ii\si,)itlate nr r Kurdish .Xtitimutl ( nuvrc^s) 61 The Gallaudet "Deaf President Now Movement Jaccjuelii! C. Peters Gallaudet University students galvanized the deaf community and revolutionized global perceptions of deaf people in their "Deaf President Now" (DPN) Movement in March, 1988. "The time is now" was their rallying cry, which held implications for deaf pride, self-assertion, and civil rights extending be- yond the DPN issue. Gallaudet University, founded by President Lin- coln in 1864 and funded primarily through Congres- sional appropriations, educates deaf students from pre-school age through graduate school. When the sixth president. Dr. Jerry Lee, announced that he was retiring, there was optimism on campus that, for the first time in the University's 124-year history, one of the two qualified deaf candidates. Dr. Harvey J. Corson or Dr. L Kingjordan, would be voted into the vacated position by the Board of Trustees. When the Chair of the 21 -member board, only five of whom were deaf, announced the board's choice of Dr. Elisabeth Zinser — a hearing educator who knew no sign language — initial shock, anger and disbelief gave way to student mobili- zation and strike from March 6 through 13, 1988. Four student leaders — Greg Hlibok, Jerry Covell, Bridgetta Bourne, and Tim Rarus — together stood at the helm as organizers, spokespersons and morale boosters. On the first day of the strike, 500 students set out to shut down the campus after a stormy meeting with the university ad- ministration. While the school remained open, students claimed that 90 percent of the campus community participated in the strike. Campus en- trances were blockaded with shuttle busses after the tires were flattened. The faculty voted 147 to 5 to back the students. The civil rights movements of other groups, such as African Americans, South Africans and women, served as points of comparison and reference in the DPN struggle. During the campus rallies, student leader and cheerleader Bridgetta Bourne led sign language chants such as "Deaf Power! " "Deaf Presi- dent Now!" and "Zinser Out!" to keep spirits high as the freedom songs did in the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. A waving sea of hands signed to the 4/ The "Deaf Pivsident Now" Movement drew inspircilu- from other struggles involving civil rights. (Cartoon h\ Mike Keefe of the Denver Post) 4 rhythm of impromptu percussionists at DPN dem- on.strations the way that a dance class or a cheerlead- ing practice at Gallaudet moves to a drummed beat. The Friday "Deaf Pride Day" march on the Capitol, which attracted 3,000 marchers from all over the U.S., was headed by a banner borrowed from the Crispus Attucks Museum emblazoned with the message "We Still Have a Dream"; the same banner had been used in a niarch to have Dr. King's birthday decreed a national holiday. The "Deaf Pride Day" march and denranstration on the National Mall took place as planned despite Zinser's previous resignation, as the strikers waited for the response to their other de- mands. Using sign language and lip synchronization, students of the Model Secondary School for the Deaf (MSSD) presented "The Time is Now," composed by theater teacher and play- wright Tim McCarthy. The words the deaf world had been waiting for came on Sunday, March 13, when Dr. L Kingjordan was voted in as the eighth president of Gallaudet University. A majority' deaf task force was named to formulate a major- ity deaf board. LUtimately there were no reprisals against the strikers. A sur- prisingly peaceful scene awaited President Jordon on Monday, .March l4, when he arrived on campus to begin his administration. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Bruske, Ed. 1988. Protest Gained Sympathy Nationwide. Washington Post. March 10. Gallaudet Faculty' Backs Students. 1988. Washing- ton Post. March 10. Gannon, Jack. 1989. Tlie Day Voe World Heard Gallaudet. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Kannapell, Barbara M. 1985. Orientation to Deaf- ness: A Handbook and Resource Guide. Washington, DC: Gallaudet College Printing and Graphic Services. Sanchez, Carlos and Martin Weil. 1988. Zinser Quits Gallaudet Amid Student Uproar. Washington Post. March 11. 62 coiit. fn/i)i page 60 issues, U.S. popular music does focus on a few of the common experiences faced by parts of the population. ' A musical genre itself may become an emblem of an age group, and an expression of its protest again.st the standards of another group. This may happen in any country, and often involves the adoption of a nex\- niusical form bv a certain class or age group. In the United States during the 20th century almo.st ever\" generation has been identified with an emerging musi- cal style (although its members may listen to many different kinds of music). One group will support the sr>'le, another group will oppose it, and the arguments will be waged at the dining room table, on the pages of Billboard Magazine, People Magazine and sometimes in the halls of Congress. The I'nited States has a long history of attempting to ban music and dance as lascivious and dangerous to the public good. At times musical performance itself becomes the battlefield, rather than simply the expression of a larger conflict over .self determination and authority. The original social condition is not remedied, but instead song content about it is censored (a point reiterated by many of the defenders of the music industiy again.st the censorship of offensive texts). School is one of the first experiences many children have with authority beyond the family, and one would expect experience in schools to contribute to some rather pithy songs. A "Talking Homework Blues" I wrote in 7th grade is an example of a song that describes a child's stmggle at school but does not propose a remedy (except perhaps not falling behind in the first place). Given how important teachers are to their students at all levels, it is surprising that there is no bibliography on children's songs about school. Work Struggles Many kinds of work inxohe hierarchical organiza- tion, inequality, and often outright exploitation of some people by others. The struggles to survive with low wages, to grow enough crops to pay back borrowed money, to improve working conditions, to organize workers to negotiate with, contend against, or escape from their supervisors, bosses, middlemen, or owners (in the case of slavery) have fostered hundreds of songs over the decades. Some occupational songs are fitted to the work itself: woodcutting songs and sail-raising songs coordinate collective activities while long ballads may help pass away tedious hours spent in repetitive tasks. Other songs describe a worker's life and the difficulties of surviving under harsh discipline on low wages. Songs related to union organizing have become the archetype for songs of struggle in the United States. The U.S. labor movement has a long, bitter, and embattled history. Certain industries have seen pro- kjnged strife over union organizing, strikes, and retali- ation by company owners often supported by local, state, and even national authorities. The eastern coal mining industry is one of the most famous of these industries. Difficult, dangerous, and unhealthy working conditions, the fluctuating markets for coal, the rural location oi mines, and changing mining technology have resulted in long and violent conflicts, of which the recently settled Pitt.ston Coal strike is only the most recent example. Some of the most famous union organizing songs, such as "Which Side Are You On?" (They say in Harlan county/There are no neutrals there./ Either you're a union man/Or a thug for J.H. Blair.) originated in mining strife. Many songs about work and labor unrest are com- posed about particular events and then forgotten when the crisis passes, perhaps to be replaced by another song about something el.se. John Greenway notes, except for the very simple ones (""We Shall Not Be Moved") and the very best ones ("Union M.iid") [songs of protest] are likely to become forgotten quickly because it is easier to set to the basic tune new words more relevant to immediate issues and circumstances than it is to remember the old. (John Greenway 1953:C)) To Greenway 's comment one can add Pete Seeger's observation that "almost every old song can teach you good things, but it can also teach you bad things, and you have to balance the two when you sing i\..."(Sing Out! 29 (3): 4) Songs are not only replaced because they are forgotten, but also because they are not entirely appropriate to a new situation. Professional musicians have taken some songs from kxal communities and made them part of the national repertory. The song "Which Side Are You On?" (men- tioned above) was forgtJtten in its home community wJiile it was being revived as a union song in other places. Pete Seeger recalls: In 1940 I learned the song "'Which Side Are You On?" from a folklorist who had been researching in eastern Kentucky in 1932. Later, I met Mrs. Reece, who wrote the song. At that time it was unknown except in the memories of her family and a few miners of Harlan count>' who heard her daughters sing it in the 1932 union meetings. (P. Seeger 1972: 76) Partly because of Pete Seeger's use of "'Which Side Are You On?" in the union movement and later in the co)it. page 66 - U.S. popular music fias often been criticized for its di.stance from the social and political realities of people's lives. Regardless of what it does mil portray, what it does select is an important part of American culture There are no cx.imples ot family and generational .struggle with the music program this year, but e.xamples should be familiar to anyone acqLiainted with the popular music scene. 63 South Africa Jacquelin C. Peters Since the Dutch first settled at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652, South Africa's bountiful land and min- eral riches have been sources of conflict. Over the course of several centuries, Dutch (now the Afrikan- ers) and British settlers were able to seize land from the indigenous African peoples. By the end of the 19th century, the Europeans dominated over 90 per- cent of the territory. When diamonds and gold were discovered in the late 19th century, European settlers prevented Africans from sharing in the land's wealth and transformed them into a tightly controlled, poorly paid labor force. When the Union of South Africa came into existence in 1910, the new settler-run government held absolute political and economic power. Segregation was the order of the day and, with few excep- tions, Africans could not par- ticipate in political decisions. They were allowed to hold jobs only as unskilled, cheaj:) laborers. Since 1948, the Nationalist Party has been in power. It has promoted a policy called apartheid (separateness), which built on and intensified European domination through a vast array of laws and edicts. The Population Registration Act categorized people into different racial groups; the Groups Areas Act separated different racial groups in the urban areas; the Abolition of Pa.sses and Coordina- tion of Documents Act forced all Africans above the age of 16 to carry passes which controlled their residence and movement. The government's ulti- mate objective was to consign African people, 75 per- cent of South Africa's population, to bits of impover- ished land called Bantustans or homelands, on about 13 percent of its poorest land. In order to achieve that, the government forcibly removed an estimated Music and daiici' were ritcil componeiils (ij'thc reception welcoming Nelson Mandela to Lusaka. Zambia. (Photo by D. Michael Cheers, courtesy African Studies and Research Program. Howard Uniivrsily) 35 million African people from their homes between 1960 and 1980. The government also insured that Africans would continue to have inferior education by structuring a school system that favored European children. The government allocates $296 for the schooling of each African child compared to $1,194 for each European child (Williams, 1990:23). African leaders and organizations have challenged the injustices and inequities of colonial mle at every step. A leading organization representing Black opinion has been the African National Congress (ANC), founded in 1912. Along with other African protest and trad'e union groups, the ANC chal- lenged colonial rule through non-violent strategies until the government outlawed the opposition in I960, and banned the ANC, Pan African Con- gress (PAC) and the Commu- nist Party. The bannings and failed attempts to effect a peaceful .settlement led the ANC and the PAC to turn to armed .struggle. Government repression of Black dissent has been forceful in recent decades, but political, church, community, student and trade union groups have sustained the struggle and captured woridwide attention. In Febaiary, 1990, the gov- ernment lifted its bannings on Black opposition movements and released ANC leader Nel- son Mandela, who had been in prison for 27 years. But despite the release of Mandela and other anti- apartheid leaders, many more political prisoners remain in jail. Despite the legalizing of organizations such as the ANC and the PAC, the State of Emergency remains in effect. Despite the government statement that exiles may return to South Africa, they may still face prosecution and jail for their political acts. Moreover, Blacks do not have the vote, and the three 64 key apartheid laws— the Natives Land Act, the Popu- lation Registration Act, and the Group Areas Act — still endure. The government has done away with some discriminatory laws, but apartheid is still in force. Music of struggle in South Africa has many forms and performance contexts. It is based on a variety of regional styles including unaccompanied polyphonic singing, which is an integral part of everyday life. Another regional influence on music used in struggle is praise poetry, often a rap-like poetic recitative that affirms the cultural significance of particular people and events. Such poetr)' is found today among urban laborers who use the genre to express their physical prowess and to give voice to problems they face far from their families. Amahubo, clan identity anthems with slow, synchronized movements and high kicks, is another traditional ha.se for men's stings and dance steps performed in the setting of workers' com- pounds. South African music of .struggle also has had sources in European musics and in the musics of touring choirs and musical reviews. Influences on South African composers and arrangers during the early 1900s include African American music of the Fisk Jubilee Singers and choirs of the charismatic Church of God in Christ denomination; minstrel mu- sic, and ragtime, the popular syncopated Ameri- can music of the turn of the century. Blending such genres with their own traditional music, noted South African composers working in the makwaya ("choir") genre — such as Caluza, Bokwe, and Tyamzashe — combined rising nationalistic feelings and social commentary with compelling harmonies and rhythms. Ngoma, songs and dances performed at wed- dings, together with mission school "action song, " laid the groundwork for mbube, which consciously adapted a European (homophonic) four-part har- mony vocal style'. In 1939, a young migrant worker Solomon Linda made the first recording — entitled "Mbube" — which named and dc^cumented the genre; the melody would be identified by American audiences as "The Lion Sleeps Tonight." Isicatha- miya ("walk softly") and cathoza mfana ("walk .stead- ily, boys"), other forms of Zulu male singing which developed from mbube, have gained international commercial acceptance. - Mbube songs expressing political protest against exploitation were often heard on the South African Broadcasting Corporation until the late 1940s, when stringent monitoring became the aile. " Viikani Mauvthii" ("Wake Up, My People"), a well-known makwaya song, frightened radio censors with its potential to mobilize Africans. And until recently it was illegal even to hum the ANC anthem "Nkosi Sikelel' iAfhka" ("God Bless Africa"), although this has not prevented people around the world from learning the song. The circumvention of censorship continues to be a challenge to South African musi- cians and composers; South African music has served as a means of defining opposition to colonial rule and affirming African identity and unit)-. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Baker, Pauline. 1989. Tlje United States and South Africa: The Reafian Years. New York: Foreign Policy Association. Bracker, Milton. K)(il. African Rallies Marked by Song. Sing Out! 11:(3). Coplan, David. 19<SS. /;; Township Tonight! New York: Longman. Edgar, Robert, ed. 1990. Sa)!cti(»iing ApaHheid. Trenton, Nj: African World Press. Erlmann, 'Veit. Liner notes for Mbulje Roots: Zulu ChoralMusicfroui South Africa. 1930 's-60 's . Rounder Records 5025. Mattera, Don. 1987. Sophiatoum: Coming ofAge in South Africa. Boston: Beacon Press. Meer, Fatima. 1990. Higher Than Hope: the Au- thorized Biography of Nelson Mandela. Harper & Row. Murray, C. 19.SI, Families Divided: Tl.ie Impact of Migrant Labour in Lesotho. London: Oxford Univer- sity Press. Rhodes, Williard. 1962. Music as an Agent of Po- litical Expression. African Studies Bulletin. 5(1). South Africa. 1985. Tlie New Encyclopedia Britan- nica. 11:32-33. South Africa. 1988. Tloe Statesman's Year-Book. New York: St. Martin's Press. Thompson, L. 1985. Vie Political Mythology of Apartheid. New Haven: Yale University Press. co>it. page 66 ' "Action .song" is accompanied by controlled mo\'ements allowing a phy.sical response to mu.s den b\- the church fathers. short of dancing, which was forbid- - Contemporary major exponents include the Boyoyo Boys, whose singing fir.st caught Paul Simon's ear. leading to the success of Lady.smith Black Mambazo outside of Africa. "Ladysmith" serenades its international following — with .i non-political repertory — i English as well as Zulu. 65 Williams, Juan. 1990. At the Gates of Freedom. The Washington Post Magazine. SUGGESTED LISTENING .\maduduzo. Siyahaniukela. Rounder Records 5043. Boyoyo Boys. Back in Town. Rounder Records 5026. Harry Belafonte and Minam Makeba. An Eve- ning with Belafonte and Makeba. RCA LSP3420. Ladysmith Black Mambazo, African Zulu Male Choir, others. Mhuhe Roots: Zulu Choral Musicfrom South Africa, I930's-60's . Rounder Records 5025. Let TIjeir Voices Be Heard: Traditional Singing in South Africa. Rounder Records 5024. Manka Le Phallang, Manonyana A Moama, Se- bata Sebata. Sheshwe: The Sound of the Mines. Rounder Records 5031 Music ofLesotho. Recorded and annotated by Bill Wood. Smithsonian/Folkways 4224. Radio Freedom: Voice ofthe African National Con- gress and the People's Army Umkhonto We Sizwe. Rounder Records 4019. South Africa)! Freedom Songs. Smithsonian/Folk- ways EP601. South African Trade Lhiion WorkerChoirs. Rounder Records 5020. cont. from page 63 Civil Rights Movement, the .song has been a part of musical performances in a variety of struggles. As in other areas, professional musicians play important roles by bringing (often arranged ) versions of local traditions to wider, sometimes international, audiences. Many people not directly involved in a .struggle may hear about it first through songs. Smithsonian/Folkways Records has issued two re- cordings in time for the Festival that deal with labor struggles and union organizing: "Don't Mourn — Or- ganize! Songs of Labor Songwriter Joe Hill" (SF40026) and Woody Guthrie's "Struggle" (SF40025). One of the richest areas of American protest music, union songs have a vast bibliography and discography. Struggles For Political Autonomy The political boundaries of modern natic^ns are very often shaped more by wars, treaties, and colonization than by cultural homogeneity. Most nations today contain many different cultural or ethnic groups within their borders. Ethnic strife in Ireland, the USSR, Ea.stern Europe, and the United States provide examples of the difficulties states have in dealing with culturally different populations within a single state. The heterogeneity of modern states has led to two related social processes that have both used music: 1) the forging of a "national identity" out of (or over) a variety of local identities and 2) the creation and maintenance of local identities in the face of a (forged) national identity that does not usually recognize local differences. Faced with heterogeneous populations and the necessity of defending political btjrders. many nations have "created traditions" to establish a national unity (see Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983). The traditions may include national songs (national anthems are such a form), national dress composed of an amalgamation of regional dre.ss forms, and a national identity based on a variety of .symbolic forms such as celebrations of independence, the birthdays of heroes, and stories about the founding of the state that establish its identity as a nation and downplay regional differences and conflicts. While national in.stitutions create their own sense of tradition, groups within the nation often struggle to assert a degree of autonomy. This is often done through language, dress, religious affiliation, and music. The controversies over whether schools should be under local control, whether English should be the sole U.S. national language and the square dance the official U.S. national dance, and other issues of ethnic identity raise issues here in the United States that are similar to those being raised in Eastern Europe. African Americans, Polish Americans, Hispanics, American Indians, and many other groups have asserted cultural autonomy by perpetuating particular secular and religious traditions through music. Several performers at the Festival ofAmerican Folklife represent regional populations that are struggling for an independent identity within states largely controlled by members of other groups. These include the Kurds and the Palestinians, among many others that might have appeared. Political Issues Participants in political conflicts have long used songs to spread their messages and to create unity among their compatriots. Recent examples include the movement against the Vietnam war in the 1960s, the cont. page 69 66 U.S. Civil Rights Movement Jacqiieli)! C. Peters In the early 1950s the continuing struggle of Afri- can Americans for basic human rights was directed toward winning crucial liberties long denied them— a good education and the vote. The NAACP .sought to challenge the laws limiting educational opportuni- ties by enlisting the legal strategies of African Ameri- can attorneys such as the late Wiley Branton, who was to become Dean of the Howard Universiry Law School, and Thurgood Marshall, currently a Chief Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court. The U.S. Supreme Court's Brown vs. Board of Education decision rendered in 1954 cited the sociological and psycho- logical findings of Dr. Kenneth Clark and others who maintained that the Plessy vs. Ferguson "separate but equal" doctrine instituted in 1896 was harmful to both Black and White students. The justices ordered in 1955 that all children be admitted to tax-supported public schools "on a racially non-discriminatory basis with all deliberate speed." Close on the heels of the Brown decision came a series of events which jolted the Civil Rights Move- ment into the nation's consciousness. Mrs, Rosa Parks' arrest for violating the bus segregation ordi- nance in Montgomery, Alabama, sparked the Montgomery Bus Boycott on December 5, 1955, four days after her detention. Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., then 26 years old, was elected president of the Montgomery' Improvement Association, the organi- zation which organized the boycott. It took 386 days, but the city officials were finally convinced that inte- gration of the buses was crucial to their economic health, and the bus boycott was discontinued. Three weeks later, the Southern Christian Leadership Con- ference (SCLC) was founded with Dr. King as presi- dent, and the forces that would guide his destiny as a charismatic leader and a national hero gained mo- mentum. When four black college students .staged the first sit-in on February 1, 1960 at a Woolworth's lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina, a wave of similar student protests followed, sweeping the Deep South. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com- mittee (SNCC), which provided many "foot soldiers" in the desegregation and voter registration efforts.was founded at Shaw University on April 15, I960. James Farmer of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) led the Freedom Riders on a Greyhound bus from Washington, D.C. on a perilous journey through Alabama and Mississippi. On "Bloody Sunday," March 7 1965 the nation witnessed on television the assault of hundreds ot peaceful demonstrators by Spinls iiiv /ijy/i III Ihi-. c in/ n^iihh nil/v in mi .Uulhiiiui church FtVCllnlll '.nHi;s sirciij^lhciicl Ihc ICnllV nj llnll-nnlt'll/ denioiistnitiiis. iihn iivrc piv/kirrJ hi ciumnilcr lici\cciilioii and imprisunmi'iil (Phulii hy Jue .-ilpcr. coiinesy Dr Bennce Johnson Reagon) Alabama state troopers. One week later, theJohnson administration presented a voting rights bill before Congress. On August 6, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act. Song and eloquent oratory are integral to African American religious expression, and they were perva- sive, spiritually sustaining elements of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement. In emotionally tense or physically threatening situations, the standard of non-violence and a serene attitude were maintained through song, prayer, and words of encouragement. Massive church rallies, picketing demonstrations and even jail houses echoed with the sounds of resolve, declaring, "Just like a tree standing by the water,/ We shall not be moved." Sacred African American music provided the basis for many freedom songs. One such spiritual, "I Will Be All Right," has evolved to become the universal anthem of protest, "We Shall Overcome." Tech- niques such as call and response, "worrying the line" (using melismatic vocal embellishments), or "lining out" a hymn (the song leader's singing or reciting the next line of verse before the end of the previous one ) 67 are other retentions from traditional African Ameri- can song. Important contributions to tiie repertory of free- dom songs were made by composers wiiose music sprang out of the Movement. The gifted Bertha Gober, one of the most prolific composers, some- times received her inspirations while actively in- volved in demonstrations or while sitting in a jail cell; memories of those who were martyrs for the move- ment also provided histories for Ms. Gober and many others to put to music. Social contexts were estab- lished in song lyrics by naming the protagonists, antagonists, or locations where conflict was intense. Grounded in the tradition of Black congregational song, choral quartets and ensembles transmitted the Movement's musical message to audiences far from the locale of the stmggle. The Montgomery Gospel Trio, the American Baptist Theological Seminary Quartet — also known as the Nashville Quartet — and the CORE Singers proved to be solid songleading groups. Nationwide support was garnered for SKCC through the works of four singers; Rutha Harris, Bernice Johnson, Charles Neblett, and Cordell Reagon, who organized the group known as the original SNCC Freedom Singers. Reagon delivered most of the interpretive information in performances which made the world sit up and take notice. Two other configurations of this group emerged; another group of Freedom Singers, followed by the Freedom Voices. This year's music stage features the original SNCC Freedom Singers with Ms. Bettie Mae Pikes standing in, as she has in the past, for Dr. Bernice Johnson Reagon. Ms. Fikes, originally of Selma. Alabama, is known as one of the strongest song leaders of the Civil Rights Movement. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Carawan, Guy and Candi, recorders and editors. 1989. Ain't you Got a Right to the Tree of Life: The People offohns Island. South Carolina, Their Faces, Their Words and TIjeir Songs. Athens: University of Georgia Press. . 1990. Sing For Freedom. Bethlehem, PA: Sing Out! Franklin, John Hope and August Meier, eds. 1982. Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century. Urbana; University of Illinois Press. Garrow. DavidJ. 1986. Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, fr. and the Southern Christian Leader- ship Conference. New York: William Morrow. Hickerson.JosephC, compiler. 1974. A Brief List of Material Relating to Freedom Songs of the Civil Rights Movement. Washington, D.C; Archive of Folk Culture, Library of Congress. Ploski, Harry and James Williams, eds. 1989. The Negro Almanac: A Reference Work on the African American. New York; Gale Research, Inc. Reagon, Bernice. 1987. Let the Church Sing "Freedom". Black Music Research Journal 7. , in collaboration with Dr. Doris McGinty. 1980. Liner notes for Voices of the Civil RightsMovement. Smithsonian Collection of Record- ings R023. The Words of Martin Luther King. Jr. 1984. Se- lected by Coretta Scott King. New York; Newmarket Press. Walker, Wyatt T. 1979. Somebody's Calling My Name: Black SacredMusic andSocial Change. Valley Forge, PA; Judson Press. Williams, Juan. 1986. Eyes on the Prize: America 's Civil Rights Years: 1954-1965. New York; Viking Press. SUGGESTED LISTENING Been in the Storm So Long. Smithsonian/Folkways SF 40031. Voices ofthe Civil Rights Movement: Black Ameri- can Freedom Songs. 1960-1965. Smithsonian Collec- tion of Recordings R023. SingforFreedom. Smithsonian Folkways SF 40032. Singing freedom songs, marchers led by Stevie Wonder braved the elements in Washington. D.C. everyJanuary 15th until Congress passed a hill making Dr. Martin Luther King. Jr s birthday a legal holiday in 1983. (Photo by Sharon Farmer) cont. from page 66 songs of soldiers who served in Vietnam, the opposition to nuclear power in the 1970s and 1980s, the Feminist movement, and the Latin American popular political music Nueva Cancion, among many others. The United States can boast of a long history of political songs, from the early 19th century up to the present. From Jefferson through Gerald Ford, with some notable examples from the Roosevelt years, political songs were published in newspapers and had the kind of exposure we now associate with mass media. The songs themselves were a direct expression of attempts to sway public opinion and votes by creating positive images of the candidates and supporting their policies (Folkways Records has several recordings of political songs from different eras). Many songs of the Civil Rights Movement were based on African American church music. Some, like "We Shall Overcome" were only slightly altered hymns familiar to many of the participants. The performance style, audience participation, and importance of music in the Civil Rights Movement owed a great deal to the African American churches from which were derived much of the movement's organization and power, and also to the kind of mass actions in which the movement was engaged. Although the Civil Rights Movement adopted a doctrine of non-violent mass protest from Gandhi's non-violent independence movement in In- dia, the Indian movement itself was not a particulariy musical one. Church music was a cultural resource available in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement that was not available in multi-ethnic India. Conclusion Musical performances can be a part of social move- ments in a number of different ways. From marked silence through the revival of old musical forms to the composition of new genres, musical performances have both expressed and created feelings of community, have defined central concerns and aspirations, knit small communities together and projected messages to large international audiences. Music can be an effective resource for social movements because of the variety of ways it can be used— with subtlety or bluntness — and its ability to be heard in spite of censorship. Forged, transformed, and even abandoned in the crucible of struggle, music is part of the complex web of sounds and signs with which we experience and make history. Greenway book is a classic; and Sing Out! magazine provides the words and music to many contemporary songs. Denisoff, R. Serge. 1973. Songs ofProtest, War and Peace: A Bibliography and Discograpby. Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio. Denselow, Robin. 19S9. When the Music's Over: ne Stoiy cfPolitical Pop. London & Boston: Faberand Faber. Elbourne. Roger. 1980. Music afid Tradition in Early Industrial Lancashire 1 780-1840. The Folklore Society Mistletoe Series. Suffolk: D.S. Brewer; Totowa, NJ: Roman and Littlefield. Green, Archie. 1972. Only a Miner Urbana: Liniversity of Illinois Press. Greenway. John. 1953- Anwricau Folksongs of Protest. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Hobsbawm, Eric and Terence Ranger. 1983. The Iiwention ofTradition. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press. Rousseau. Jean-Jacques. 1975 [1779]. A Complete Dictionaiy ofMusic. Reprint of the 1779 edition. New ^'ork: AMS Press. Seeger, Pete. 1972. 'Ihe Incompleat Folksinger. Edited by Jo Metcalf Schwartz. New York: Simon & Schuster. Suggested Listening A complete list of over 50 Folkways recordings related to this theme is available from the Office of Folklife Programs. The following are faidy easily available examples of a large discography: Come All You Coal Miners. Rounder Records 4005. Doji't Mourn - Organize.' Songs ofLabor Songwriter Joe Hill. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 40026. Sheshwe: Tlje Sound of Ihe Mi)ies. Rounder Records 5031. Sing For Freedom. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 40032. Rebel Voices. Songs of the hidustrial Workeis of the World. Flying Fish 484. So)jgs ofStruggle and Celebrati(»i by Guy Carawan. Flying Fish 27272. Woody Guthrie: Struggle. Smithsonian/Folkways Records 40025. Citations and Further Readings Here are just a few references. The Denisoff bibliog- raphy is a good guide to the older sources; Pete Seeger's book includes many observations of a participant in a number of social movements; Elbourne's book is the best historical study of music I have run across; the 69 Israelis and Palestinians Amy Horowitz Amy Horowitz, a Ph.D. candidate iti Folklore at the University ofPennsylvania, received a grantfrom the D.C. Community Humanities Council in 1986 to dofive radio shows on culture in disputed territoriesfeaturing Israeli and Palestinianprotest artists. Amy has workedforSweet Honey in the Rock since 1977 as artist representative. Situated at the crossroad of East and West, the Middle East has been the site of staiggle for miUenium. For over 3,000 years, the land between the Mediter- ranean, the Jordan River and beyond, which now occupies the center of controversy for Israelis, Pales- tinians, Arabs and Jews has been called by many names, claimed by many peoples and occupied by countless foreign rulers. Many Israelis date their claim back to the Hebrew Kingdoms of Israel and Judea(722B.C. -70A.D.) and even beyond. Pales- tinians point to indige- nous inhabitants living in the area throughout his- tory as well as a continu- ous Muslim majority since the 7th century A.D. In the 19th century, during Ottoman Rule (1500-1917 A.D.), Euro- pean nationalism began to capture the imagina- tion of peoples through- out the world. This trend had a strong influence on both Arabs and Jews. Var- ious Arab national move- ments emerged in response to occupation under the Ottomans. When the empire was divided up after World War I, Arab nationalists resisted European dominance and sought to create a unified Arab world under the banner of the Arabic language and a common regional heritage. For European Jewry, the nationalistic trend emerged in the form of Zionism calling for a return to their Biblical homeland. They hoped that in their historical birthplace self-determi- nation would replace centuries of exile and victimi- zation. These two incompatible movements clashed dur- ing the British occupation of Palestine (1917-1948). VxjusiiDils <ij Isnicli /fas <ii. protest the electiun uf Riihhi .]lci August. I9H4- Tbisdcni.^iisinit. Kenesset on the first ticiv Kiilhin Israel's Parliament. Protesleis s religious fanaticism that characterize Kahane s movement. The placards Judaism — yes: coercion — no " and "Enlightened Judaism and Democracy" reflected mainstream Israeli opposi- tion to Kahdiic which sutiseijucntly succeeded when he teas barredJ ri tin the Kenessel and Jrom elected office for racist activities I Photo by Amy Horowitz) The dispute was intensified after Nazi annihilation of European Jews (1936-1945) resulted in greater num- bers of Jews seeking refuge in Palestine. Arab and Palestinian nationalism increased in response to Jew- ish immigration and efforts to create a Jewish state. After World War II, the United Nations Partition Plan divided the area (the size of New Jersey), into contiguous Palestinian and Israeli nations. Jewish leaders accepted the plan and the State of Israel was proclaimed in 1948. Palestinians rejected any plan which established a Jewish state on Palestin- ian land. The result of this dispute was the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Fol- lowing Arab defeat, Is- rael expanded its terri- tory' allotted under parti- tion, Jordan annexed the West Bank, and Egypt occupied the Gaza Strip. During the 1948 War, vast numbers of Pales- tinians fled or were ex- pelled from Israel, cross- ing borders into Jordan, Lebanon and Egypt, where they became refugees in the West Bank, Gaza and surrounding Arab coun- tries. Those Palestinians who remained became Israeli citizens. At the same time, thousands ofJews, escaping oppression in Europe and Arab countries arrived in Israel. The stage was set for continuing conflict. Subsequent Ai-ab-Israeli wars (1956, 1967, 1973, 1982) have intensified ho.stilities and further altered geo-political borders. Portions of Jordan and Egypt came under Israeli occupation after the 1967 war. These territories — the West Bank and Gaza — are the site of the current Palestinian uprising. '.I Paleslinuiiis imncd t,:^cll<cr l< Kiihanc In the Kenesset in 'II tiini- f.liuc III front of the iiiTiicil I" hike his place in i.ng out against the racism and 70 Israeli Fcilesrinuin singer perpiniis a /iciuc smig in Hehivw and Arabic at the "Women Go For Peiuc ( mifciciice. Janiiaty. 1990 The conference was orgcinizetl hy Icii i\h iiiul Palestinian Isnielis /hull ihe "Women's Peiite Mi iicnieiit in ^inijiinction iiilh '.rirnil Palestinian women s un>aiii:iition-. in the Occu- pii;l Icrniciie^ Vie agenda uas peai.e/nl L<i-c.xistenLC. hut the ii'niiiaii /((((;. (( raincoat in anticipation of being sprayed by poluc nhu /( ^ II ith dyed water used to disperse demonstrations {/'hnln hy Amy Homwitzl But these historical landmarks do not fully articu- late the complexity of the conflict. Many sub-groups among Israelis and Palestinians express a variety of positions and claims to the area. Each position relies on its own historical justification of rights to the land. Some Israelis and Palestinians seek compromise as the only just way to resolve the crisis. A growing minority in Israel opposes the occupation and sup- ports establishment of a Palestinian State next to Israel. The conflict centers on the difficulty of reconciling conflicting claims to one piece of land. Israeli claims portray the sole Jewish country surrounded by doz- ens of hostile Arab nations. Palestinian claims por- tray a stateless people dislocated by a hostile foreign presence. Cultural, political and religious passions are rooted deeply in this rocky soil that is held sacred by Judaism, Christianity and Islam. A story is told in which an Israeli and a Palestin- ian went to visit a wise old woman. They asked her who owned the land they both claim. She put her ear down next to this restless soil and then turned to them and said: "Do you know what the land told me? That she belongs to neither of you but that you both belong to her." Aj/jrw;? ("patience"), formed in 1980 and based in eastern Jeai.salem, has been making music under conditions of Israeli occupation. Since 1987, the be- ginning of the Intifada — the uprising organized by Palestinians against the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza — the band members report that it has been more difficult to acquire space for rehears- als, recording sessions, and performances. After they made sacrifices to finance the production of their two cassettes, sales on the West Bank were restricted by laws enacted to prevent trade between Palestinians in Jerusalem and in the other occupied territories. "We are not a direct threat to the authorities, because our .songs are indirect in their message, but we are one of the threads that ties the Palestinian people together, so in that sense we are a threat" (Lems 1990). The growing numbers and enthusiastic response of their audiences in Jerusalem, the United States and Europe seem to nevertheless confirm the power of music to extend beyond governmentally imposed boundaries. Traditional music and poetic forms of Arabian and Middle Ea.stern cultures provide the backbone for what they call their Palestinian "new song." Tradi- tional instrumentation — stringed instruments in- cluding zither, bozuk, oud, and an array of percus- sion instiTJinents — is augmented with guitar and bass. Vocalist Kamilya Jubran of Galilee sings in the melismatic style of classic Arabian music. The song lyrics are written by local poets and express contem- porary Palestinian reality with the context of tradi- tional Arab poetry. The fusion of past and present Tlioiisaitds strung. Palestinian and Israeli iromen joined by European and American supporters marched together across the invisible but veiy real boiindaiy between West fenisalem and East fenisalem. nis march represented an historical landmark at the outset of the 1990s as Arabs andfews in the thousands together crossed over the border that divides their communities. The placards "We emerging solidarity ofArab andfeivish ivomen " and ".Negotiate now ivith the PLO" are messages conveyed by women protesting the occupation of tetritoties held by Israel since the 1967 war I Photo by Amy Horowitz) 71 affirms the inclusiveness and unity ot the culture they champion. "We are creating tomorrow's folk songs and traditions," remarks bozuk player Oden Tunijman. Although the music calls for a response in move- ment, the poetic imagery demands contemplation: I tell the world, I tell. About the house whose lamp is broken. About the axe which destroyed a lily. About the fire that burned a braid. . . (from "The Smoke of Volcanoes," written by Samih al-Qassem) A verse from a different song employs the symbol- ism of the fertile land and affirms, "The valley will become full with new clusters of wheat." Both lam- entation and celebration have the aim of making a "cultural contribution to the morale and education of their people" (Lems 1990). Sara (Shuv) Alexander, born in Jerusalem, Pales- tine before the creation of Israel in 1948, rai.sed on a kibbutz near Haifa, half Sephardic, half Ashkenazi, exliibited both a musical and independent spirit from a young age. She began playing the accordion at age thirteen. The same fiery spirit carried her through her service with the Nahal Entertainment Troupe of the Israel Defense Forces. Alexander is an Israeli peace activist and singer/ composer. In the 1960s, she was one of the first Israeli Jews to lend her voice to protest her country's policies regarding the Palestinian question. In the 1970s, "banned from the airwaves " in Israel, she left to live in France. She considers herself a member of the Israeli "Peace Now" group and travels to Israel to perform and participate in dialogue and demonstra- tions. "There are no good occupations" she says. About the confiscation of Palestinian land she sings the song of the almond trees that cry, "For such a long time the tears of the Arab people have watered the earth, it does not surprise us that the fruits are bitter." At the same time, Alexander addresses the oppres- sion and persecution of Jewish people throughout history. Sara has helped to organize Jewish-Arab music festivals in Europe and has performed with Palestin- ian musician Imad Saleh in the United States. She says, "It is necessary that Israelis and Palestinians recognize each other at last. The dialogue is essen- tial." Her songs and poems draw on historical refer- ences to Arabs and Jews, personal experience with Palestinians and Israelis, and images of her native land. In this way they are similar to Palestinian pro- test poetry that also draws heavily on natural imagery of the region. The song texts give voice to her con- viction that for Palestinian and Israeli the solution must be "two peoples, two states, one future. " In the song "My Brother and I" she says: Thousands ofyears ago Between the waves ofsand and the palm trees, We led our sheep together to the water. Since the water hasflowed in the Jordan. We have been bom brother and sister. Blessed by the sea and by the shade ofthe olii 'e tree. It is said that without roots the tree dies. It is said that without hope the heart stops. ... How much time, how much blood Must be spilled until we learn Toforget ourpast eirors andfind the road topeace? Sara's musical heritage combines folk melodies in- herited from her Turkish mother and Eastern Euro- pean traditions from her Rumanian father with tradi- tional and contemporary Arabic and Jewish influ- ences of her childhood in Palestine and Israel. These are blended with western elements to create a music combining traditional and contemporary ingredients. Sara performs with guitar and accordion and sings in six languages: Hebrew, French, Arabic, Yiddish, English and Spanish. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Binur, Yoram. 1989. My Enemy. My Self New York: Doubleday. Eban. Abba. 1984. Heritage: Civilization and the Jews. New York: Summit Books. Elmessiri, A.M., collector and translator. 1982. We Palestinian Wedding: A Bilingual Anthology ofCon- temporary^ Palestinian Resistance Poetry. 'Washing- ton. D.C.: Three Continents Press. Lems, Kristin. 1990. Sabreen — Palestinian New Song. Sassafras: the Journal of the People's Music Network for Songs of Freedom and Struggle. Janu- ary(17). McDowall, David. 1989- Palestine and Israel. The UprisingandBeyond. Berkeley: University of Califor- nia Press. Morris, Benny. 1988. Tl.ie Bii1h (fthe Palestinian Refugee Problem. 1947-1949. New \'ork: Cam- bridge University Press. Muslih, Muhammad Y. 1988. The Origins ofPal- estinian Nationalism. New York: Columbia Univer- sity Press. Palestine. 1985. ne New Encyclopedia Britan- nica. 9:81-82. Said, Edward. 1985. After the Last Sky: Palestin- ian Lives. New York: Pantheon Books. Shehadeh, Raja. 1984. Samed: Journal ofa West 72 Bcuik Pcileslinicm New ^'cirk: Adama Books. Songs for Peace and Justice in tiie Middle East. 1985. Broadside: ne \atioiuil Topical Soiifi Maga- zine. Febaiary( 159). SUGGESTED LISTENING Palestine Liresf Songs from the Stniggle of the People of Palestine. Paredon P 1022. Sara Alexander. Peace. Shalom. Salam. Paix. Sapem Sap 212. Silence as Protest Silence. Not all .societies have protest songs. Some use silence. Silence doesn't express much unless everyone else is making noise. But there are some situations (singing a national anthem, a school song, a required chorus) when silence can be a statement of opposition. In some societies silence is more elabo- rately used. Among the Suya Indians of central Brazil, dissatisfac- tion was often expressed by non-participation. Living among them for two years, I never heard a lullaby or a work song, much less a protest song. Even direct verbal confrontation was relatively rare — anger was ex- pressed through silence. All music was ceremonial; all song texts were said to be "revealed" rather than composed by human beings. Cc^mplete community participation in ceremonies was considered "beautiful" and good. But if a person was angry (and anger was sometimes related to politics) he could sing along without enthusiasm (a weak but public form of protest ), go out fishing when everyone else was singing (a stronger form of protest), or sit silently and refuse to sing at all (a strong public declaration of anger). Each of these attitudes would be noticed and mentioned. Si- lence was protest in this society where music itself was only used as a statement of commimity. Singing an Old Song In New Circumstances Members of a social group engaged in political struggle sometimes perform traditional songs without changing them at all — neither lyrics nor music refer directly to their struggle. It is rather the larger context of the performance that lends political significance to the event and makes the unaltered traditional music a music of struggle. Many American Indian communities maintain traditional musical styles in spite of intense political and cultural pressures. Few if any protest song movements grow out of their traditional musical forms. Instead the songs are sung as they have been. Perform- ing traditional music and speaking local languages not only recalls a past when that was normal, but can be a strong statement that the present situation is wrong and that the future should embody continuities from the past in these and other ways. Unaltered traditions performed in situations of very severe oppression attest that simply maintaining an old tradition is itself part of a larger struggle for survival. To many North and South American Indian communities, whose social, political, and religious institutions have been supressed for centuries, the musical performances have complex meanings. But to people outside the society the message is often, "we continue to survive" and "we are not completely members (jf the surround- ing society." 73 QUICHUA Jacqueluj C. Peters Chimborazo, the 20,000 foot apex of the Andes Mountain range in Ecuador, is an extinct volcano in the center of the country. On this mountain live an indigenous people known as the Quichua. Indige- nous empires (Cara, Inca), the Spanish colonial rule (from 1526 to 1830), and long-standing border dis- putes with Peru, which sits east and south of Ecua- dor, have come and gone. Enduring are the camppsh nos of Chimborazo Province. A quarter of a million people, they are the largest group of Native .Ameri- cans in the country. They are also among the most poverty- striken peoples in South America. They have endured exploitation for genera- tions through a haci- enda system which has resulted in general illit- eracy, financial de- pendence, and social marginalization. Efforts by national and inter- national organizations to improve these con- ditions have not always been successful, especially when they have failed to take into account the social and cultural contexts of development. Productive efforts to assist the cam- pesinos have been spawned by grassroots organiza- tions w-ith a deeper perception of what w as needed and how best to communicate with their compatriots. Feria Educativa, "Educational Fair," was a seminal group in these latter development efforts. Formed in 1974, the Feria formulated an agenda of goals iden- tified by the campesinos themselves. The Feria's training programs have included some 100 musical performance groups; the Feria has sponsored four festivals of traditional music and dance, produced three cassettes, and generated many pamphlets on the local folk arts and historical lore. Bakeries, artisan-managed workshops, community' centers, and Feria Educativa performs a skit depicting campesinos ndmg on a hits. Music and drama are used to engage Quichua communities in discussions on development needs and strategies. (Photo by Julia Weise-Vargas, courtesy Inter-American Foundation) reforestation projects have proliferated thanks to Feria Educativa's collective efforts. Music and skits have been used to foster a dia- logue with campesinos during the more than 750 community tours that Feria Educativa has been in- vited to undertake in the last 1 1 years. Singing in their indigenous Quichua language and wearing tradi- tional clothing, the members of the troupe perform to encourage creation of and participation in a commu- nity defined by shared culture. After this, the business of collectively identi- fying and solving prob- lems begins. One skit that draws nods of recognition from the crowd enacts the di- lemma of an un- schooled campesino unable to read an important letter and dependent on an un- scrupulous person who misinterprets the information. Follow- ing the performance, an enthusiastic com- munity usually hosts the visiting group until the wee hours of the morning. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Ecuador. 1985. The Neiv Encyclopedia Bhtannica. 4:360-361. Feria Educativa. 1986. Apreticlamos Suestra Mii- sica. Quito: CEPID. . 1986. Los Alzamientos Ittdigenas en la Andiencia de Quito. Quito: Abya Yala. Harrison, Regina. 1989. Signs, songs and tnenio- ries in the Andes. Austin: University of Texas Press. Instituto Otavaleno de Antropologia. 1979. Len- giia y Cidtura en el Ecuador. Otavalo, Ecuador: In- stituto Otavaleno de Antropologia. Kleymeyer, Charles and Carios Moreno. 1988. La 74 Feria Educativa; A Wellspring ot Ideas and CliI- tural Pride. Grassroots Development: Joiinuil of the Inter-American Foundation. 12(2). Whitten, Norman E., Jr. 198!. Cultural Transfor- mations and Ethnicity in Modem Ecuador. Urbana: University' of Illinois Press. SUGGESTED LISTENING La Feria Educativa. 1986. Nuestro Ca>!to es Re- belde. , 1990. Rucanchij Taqui. . 1990. Pinay Taqui.. Joe Hill: Union Organizing Some of the most famous songs of struggle in the United States were written during labor conflicts from the mid 19th century up to the present. Joe Hill (1879-1915) was a songwriter for the Indus- trial Workers of the World (I.W.W.), a radical movement in the early 20th century committed to the formation of a worldwide workers' organization: One Big Union. His songs described struggles with strikebreakers ( "Casey Jones — The Union Scab"), the plight of the homeless and unemployed ("The Tramp"), the economic base of prostitution ("The White Slave"), and charity organiza- tions that help support an oppressive status quo ("The Preacher and the Slave"). His execution in Utah on November 19, 1915, for murder, a charge his supporters considered a class-oriented conspiracy, raised Joe Hill to powerfi.ll symbolic status within the labor movement. Many songs and poems were subsequently written about him, among them, "Joe Hill," "Joe Hill's Ashes," and "Joe Hill Listens to the Praying." Both as a song- writer and as the subject of songs, Joe Hill continues to be an important figure in United States labor history. In a letter to the editor of the I.W.W. newspaper Solidarity, from the Salt Lake County Jail, Joe Hill told why he wrote songs as tools for organizing: A pamphlet, no matter how good, is never read more than once, but a song is learned by heart and repeated over and over; and I maintain that if a per- son can put a few cold, common sense facts into a song, and dress them up in a cloak of humor to take the dryness off of them, he will succeed in reaching a great number of workers who are too unintelligent or too indifferent to read a pamphlet or an editorial on economic science. There is one thing that is necessary in order to hold the old members and to get the would-be members interested in the class struggle and that is entertain- ment. November 29, 1914. Seventy-five years after his death, the name Joe Hill is not as widely known as his influence is felt. But Joe Hill remains an inspiration and a model for many song- writers and performers who organize through music. Smithsonian/Folkways Records, in conjunction with the 1990 Festival of American Folklife and the Joe Hill Organizing Committee of Salt Lake City, Utah, has issued an album of songs by and about Joe Hill that illustrates his skill as a songwriter and shows his influence on the international labor movement: Don't Mourn— Organize! Songs ofLabor Songwriter foe Hill (SF 40026, available on CD, LP and cassette). Anthony Seeger is curator of the Folkivays Collection and Director ofFolkways Records in the Office ofFolklife Programs. He teas previously employed at the Miiseu Nacional in Rio dejafieiro (1975-1982) and Indiana University (1982-1988). Anthropologist, ethnomusi- cologist and archivist, Dr. Seeger is the author of three hooks and many articles on the social organization, cosmology and musicalperformances of the Suyd Indi- ans ofBrazil. He was exposed to musics ofstrugglefrom early childhood and has performed them as part of his participation in a number ofsocial processes. 75 'The Troubles" in Ireland Jacqiieli)i C. Peters Tis Ireland, my comilry. the hirlhpkice of heroes. The home of the patriot, ucirrior ami sage. Of bards and of chieftains, whose names lire in story, May they liveforever, on hi^loiy's page. You once were a proud and glorious nation. Yourname and yourfame were kuow)i all over ibe world, 'Til misfortune came o 'eryou and sad desolation. Your moral banner in slarery lav unfurled, (excerpt from "My Own Native Land" a tradi- tional song) "The troubles" is the eupliemism used in Ireland to refer to the host of prob- lems attending the conflict over British presence in that land. Irish history pro- vides ample themes for music of struggle sung in the scan-nos ("old") style. There is much historical commentary on politics, persecution and the love and longing for the land; but there is also a wealth oi contemporary expressions that address the tragedies of occupation and civil war, the loss of family mem- bers, and the corruption of childhood innocence. The old repertory, never abandoned and therefore never subjected to a "re- vival," provides historical context for the new songs that chronicle current events destined to become part of traditional lore. Musicians who compose and perform traditional Irish songs of struggle include Paddy Tunney, a mas- terful singer and participant at the 1976 Festival of American Folklife; Tommy Sands, renown song- writer who expresses reconciliatory themes; Dermot Henry, a singer of "rebel songs" now residing in New York; and Cathie Ryan-Henry, also based in New York and possessed of an excellent voice and trained by her parents in the old style. Composer Christy Tnulilional Insb inusiL and dance uviv pcijuniwd at ii benefit concert in .\etr York City in Fehniaiy. 1990 Performin,i> are (left to right): Myron Brelholz — lx)dliran (Irishi dnim). MarkSimos— guitar. Jerry O'Sidlivan — uillcan pi^e5, Seamiis Connolly— fiddle. James Keane— Irish accordion. (Photo by .Sarah Towle) Moore, whose reputation in Ireland is comparable to that oi the late Woody Guthrie in America, has written a wealth of .songs on many social issues. Frank Harte, the All-Ireland Champion singer from Chapelizod in Dublin, has a repertory of over 8,000 songs. Son of a "pub" proprietor and an architect by profession, Mr. Harte was introduced to traditional Irish songs by a fateful encounter with a man selling sheet music at a fair. This began a life-long passion for collecting .songs and for the culture that goes with them. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Coi^derv', James R. 1990. Tlje Melodic Tradition (f Ireland. Kent: The Kent State University Press. Ireland. 1985. The New T) I c] 'dopedia Brita ini ica. 6:378-382. Kelly, K. 1982. 'The Longest War- Northern Ire- land and the IRA. Dingle, Westport and London. Moore, Christy. 1984. The Christy Moore Song- hook. Dover, New Hamp- shire: Brandon Book Pub- lishers. Harte, Frank, ed. (In press). Songs of Dul)lin. Cork, Ireland: Ossian Pub- lishers. SUGGESTED IISTENING Harte, Frank. Daybreak and a Candle-End. SPIN 99S. . And Listen to My Song. SPIN 994. Men of No Property. Ireland: We Final Struggle Paredon P 1039. Moloney, Mick, Robbie O'Connell iS; Jimmy Keane. Kilkelly. Green Linnet Records CSIF 1072. Moloney, Mick, Jimmy Keane, Robbie O'Connell, and Liz Carroll. There Were Roses. Green Linnet Records CSIF 1057. 76 Chicano Farm Workers' Movement JaccjiiL'iiii C. Peters The San Joaquin Valley of California is a major agricultural center. Its abundant harvests are enjoyed by many Americans unaware of the substandard working and living conditions endured by migrant workers who gather the crops. The many undocu- mented immigrants from Mexico included in the ranks of the farmworkers refrained from complaining and risking arrest and deportation. The children of these farmworkers were caught in a situation in which they could not get an adequate education, if they went to school at all; they were destined to remain in a cycle of poverty which their parents had come to America to escape. This situation prompted the campaign to organize the workers and the strike headed by Ceasar Chavez of the United Farmworkers of America in the 1960s. Americans were informed about the plight of these workers and were urged to boycott California pro- duce until employers of migrant workers provided better living and working conditions. The beginning of the strike was depressing to the workers. Picket- ing families faced having even fewer resources to support themselves. Ramon "Chunky" Sanchez of the music group, Los Alacranes, related how he, his brother and a few other musicians brought their gui- tars with them to the picket lines one day and played old tunes to cheer up their fellow strikers. Seeing the rousing effect music had, they decided to bring their instalments every day, but they soon tired of playing the same songs. This led to their improvising lyrics about the boycott. The Valdez Brothers — Luis and Daniel — co- founded El Teatro Campesino with Agustin Lira dur- ing the Great Delano Grape Strike in 1965. Together they led the artistic component of the farmworkers' movement, writing songs and plays about the boy- cott, and winning the Off Broadway "Obie" award for "creating a worker's theatre to demonstrate the poli- tics of survival. " Lira, a featured artist at this year's Festival, was born of migrant farmworkers in Torreon Coahuila, Mexico, spending his first years in Torreon, Juarez, Texas and New Mexico. By the time he was seven, his family had settled in the San Joaquin Valley. His eariy education took place on the migrant path, and formal musical training began in high school, .^fter leaving El Teatro Campesino in 1969, Lira took an independent direction. He established four other theater groups before El Teatro de la Tierra, which he began in East Los Angeles and incorporated later in rural Fresno, California in 1974. Together with his group. Alma, Lira presents the stcjry of the Chicano experience in song and narrative. CITATIONS AND FURTHER READINGS Levy, Jack. 197S. Ceasar Chcwez: Autobiography of La Causa. New \brk: 'W. 'W. Norton & Co. Ross, Fred. 1990. Conquering the Lioir Keene, CA: United Farmworkers of America. SUGGESTED LISTENING Los Alacranes. Picando. Alacran Publishing 1989. El Teatro Campesino. Hiielga En General! Songs of the United Farm Workers. El Centro Campesino Cultural TC 1352. Jacquelin Celeste Peters was an Aiis Adiiiiiiistra- tion Fellowfor the National Endowmentfor the Arts, and has served as an evaliialorfor NEA s Folk Arts and Expansion Arts programs. She is a consultant scholarforthe D.C. Community Humanities Council, and compiled the premier edition of the Africa)! American FolkloristsDirecloiy "forthe Office ofFolklife Programs. As an indepoideni radio producer she received grantsfrom NEA andfrom National Public Radio's Satellite Program Development Fund to produce programs on popular African music. 77 1990 festival of American folklife JUNE 27-JULY 1/JULY4-JULY 8 Smithsonian Institution/National Park Service General Information Festival Hours Opening ceremonies for the Festi- val will be held on the Main Music Stage in the Musics of Struggle area at 11:00 a.m. Wednesday, June 27th. Thereafter, Festival hours will be 11:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. daily, with dance parties every evening 5:30 to 7:00 p.m., except July 4th. HORARIO DEL FESTIVAL La ceremonia de apertura al Festi- val se celebrara en el escenario del Programa de "Musics of Struggle," el 27 de junio a las 11:00 A.M. A partir de ese dia, las horas del Festival seran de 11:00 a.m. a las 5:30 p.m. diari- amente, con baile cada noche, ex- cepto el 4 de julio, de 5:30 p.m. a 7:00 P.M. HoRAiRE Du Festival Les ceremoniesd'ouverture du Fes- tival auront lieu sur la scene musicale principale de "Musics of Struggle," a llh., mercredi, le 27 juin. Apres cela, les heures du Festival seront de llh. a 17h.30 chaque jour, avec des soirees dan.santes de 17h.30 a 19h., sauf le 4 juillet. Sales Traditional food from Senegal and the U.S. Virgin Islands and traditional Memphis bar-b-que will be sold. See the site map for locations. A variety' of crafts, books and Smithsonian/Folkways Records relat- ing to the 1990 Festival programs will be sold in Museum Shops areas on the Festival site. Press Visiting members of the press should register at the Festival Press tent on the Mall near Madison Drive and 12th Street. First Aid A first aid station will be available near the Administration area on the Mall. The Health Units in the Muse- ums of American History and Natural History are open from 10:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. Primeros Auxilios Una unidad de primeros auxilios se instalara cerca del area de la Adminis- tracion. Las unidades de salud en los museos de Historia Norteamericana y de Historia Natural estaran abiertos desde las 10:00 a.m.hasta las 5:30 p.m. POSTES DE SeCOURS Une unite mobile des postes de secours sera situee pres de I'Administration. Les services de sante des Musee de I'Histoire America ine et I'Histoire Naturelle sont ouverts dc lOh. a 17h.30. Rest Rooms/ Telephones There are outdoor facilities for the public and disabled visitors located near all of the program areas on the Mall. Additional rest room facilities are available in each of the museum buildings during visiting hours. Public telephones are available on the site, opposite the Museums of American History and Natural History, and inside the Museums. Lost and Found/Lost Children and Parents Lost items may be turned in or retrieved at the Volunteer tent in the Administration area. Lost family mem- bers may be claimed at the Volunteer tent also. Personas y Objetos Perdido Las personas que hayan perdido a sus ninos o a familiares pueden pasar por la carpa para voluntarios, en el area de la Administracion por ellos. Los objetos encontrados o extraviados podran entregarse o reclamarse en dicha carpa. Objet Perdus/ Personnes Perdues Les objets trouves ou perdus peu- vent etre remis ou reclames a la tente des volontaires. Si un membre de famille est perdu, veuillez vous adresser a la tente des volontaires. Metro Stations Metro trains will be running every day of the Festival. The Festival site is easily accessible to either the Smith- sonian or Federal Triangle stations on the Blue and Orange lines. Services for Disabled Visitors Two sign-language interpreters are on site every day at the Festival. Check the printed schedule and signs for interpreted programs. Oral inter- preters are available for individuals if a request is made three full days in advance. Call (202) 357-1696 (TDD) or (202) 357-1697 (voice). An audio- loop amplification system for people who are hard of hearing is installed at the Music Stage of the Musics of Struggle area. Large-print copies of the daily schedule and audiocassette versions of the program book and schedule are available free of charge at Festival in- formation kiosks and the Volunteer lent. Wheelchairs are available at the Festival Volunteer tent. Volunteers are on call to a.ssi.st wheelchair users and to guide visually handicapped visitors. There are a few designated parking spaces for disabled visitors along both Mall drives. These spaces have three hour time restrictions. Evening Dance Parties Musical groups playing traditional dance music will perform every eve- ning, 5:30-7:00 p.m., except July 4th, at the Music Stage in the Musics of Struggle area. Program Book Background information on the cultural traditions of Senegal, the folklife of the U.S. Virgin Islands and Musics of Struggle is available in the Festival ofAmerican Folklife Program Book, on sale for $2.00 at the Festival site or by mail from the Office of Folklife Programs, Smithsonian Institu- tion, 955 UEnfant Plaza, S.W., Suite 2600, Washington, D.C. 20560. Participants in the 1990 Festival oe American folkliee United States Virgin Islands Performance Traditions Blinkv 6- ne Rnadmasters - Scratch Band Anselmo Clarke, squash - Frederiksted, St. CroLx Norman Edwards, trap drums - Frederiksted, St. Croix Milton "Meg" Gordon, bass guitar - Frederiksted, St. CroLx Isidor "I.G." Griles, triangle - Frederiksted, St. Croix Cyprian "Zip" King, guitar - Kingshill, St. Croix Sylvester "Blinky" Mcintosh Sr., alto saxophone - Frederiksted, St. Croix Ira "Baker/Dormis ' Samuel, alto saxo- phone - Frederiksted, St. Croix Lloyd "Perico" Thomas, conga - Frederiksted, St. Croix Calypsouiaus Kenneth "Lord Blakie" Blake, calypso/ composer - St. Thomas Ashley "Ashanti" George, calypso/ agriculturist - St. Thomas Camille "King Derby" Macedon Jr., banjo uke - St. CroLx Cariso Singers Ethel Mcintosh - St. Croix Leona Watson - Frederik,sted, St. Croix Carnival Traditions Cecile "Dallars" George, diumming/ carpentry - St. Thomas Willard John, inoko jumbie - Frederik.sted, St. Croix Clement Cain Magras, stoiytelling - St. Thomas John McCleverty, moko jttmhie - St. Thomas Milo <S The Kings - Brass and Calypso Anthony Crooke, bass - St. Thomas Emile "Milo" Francis, keyboards/ leader - St. Thomas Nya "Cocky" Francis, drums - St. Thomas James Gerard, vocals/bass - St. Thomas Hennan Lynch, congo - St. Thomas Roy Malone, guitar - St. Thomas Ira "Dr. Sax" Meyers, saxophone - St. Thomas Rudolph Thomas, vocals - St. Thomas Collins Wesselhoft, trumpet - St. Thomas Pleneros de Santa Cniz - Plena Nicolas "Colilla" Encarnacion, guitar - Fredriksted, St. Croix Amador Felix, bongo - Chri.stiansted, St. Croix Salvador "Salva" Fragosa, citatro - Kingshill, St. Croix Guillermo Mufioz, guitar/ <;7/c//ro - St. Croix Francisco Sanchez, pandereta - Kingshill, St. Croix Marceleno Santiago, pandereta - St. Croix St. Croix Heritage Dancers - Quadrille Bradley Christian, quadrille calling/ masquerading - Frederiksted, St. Croix Theresa Douglas, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Ann Doute, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix George Fachete, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Gordon Finch, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Patricia Fomp, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Prudence Morris, dancing - Frederiksted, St. CroLx Marcus Mulligan, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Robert Pennyfellow, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Craig Wells, dancing - Frederik.sted, St. Croix Yvonne Williams, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Patricia Willson, dancing - Frederiksted, St. Croix Stoiytellers Delta Dorsch. storytelling - Frederiksted, St. Croix Eulalie Rivera, storytelling - Frederiksted, St. Croix Ector Roebuck, storytelling/games - St. Thomas Elmo Roebuck, storytelling/games - St. Thomas Rufus Vanderpool, oral histories - North Star Village, St. Thomas Ten Sleepless Nights - Scratch Band and Quadrille Kenneth Buntin, guitar - Kingshill, St. Crobc Eldred "Edgie" Christian, banjo/vocals - Kingshill, St. Croix Stanley "Escascolay" Jacobs, flute/ saxophone - Christiansted, St. Croix Robert "Bobby" Jacobs, conga - Christiansted, St. Croix Lawrence "Thmshy" Mason, squash - Kingshill, St. Croix Beneth Smith, bass - Kingshill, St. Croix Christian "Te" Thompson, triangle/ steel - Christiansted, St. Croix Occupational Traditions Kenneth Broome, carpentry/furniture making - Charlotte Axnalie, St. Thomas Reginald Callwood, stone masonry - Cruz Bay, St. John Richard Callwood, woodcarving/can- ing/toy making - St. Thomas James Dalmida, fishing - Coral Bay, St. John Anthon Emanuel, broom making/ masonry - St. Thomas Elmira Farrell, herbal medicine - St. Thomas Eddie Foy, gardening/charcoal making - Coral Bay, St. John Arnaldo Kennings, carpentry/construc- tion - Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas Joe LaPlace, fishing - St. Thomas Oscar McGregor, fishing/fishpot mak- ing - Christiansted, St. CroLx Wendell Nibbs, herbal medicine - St. Thomas lantha Peets, herbal medicine - St. Thomas Arona Petersen, herbal medicine/oral histories - Ft. Lauderdale, Florida Gabriel St. Jules, charcoal making/ gardening - Frederiksted, St. Croix Sanderilla Thomas, market woman/ storytelling - Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas Will Thurland, carpentry/inlaying/' caning - Christiansted, St. Croix Crafts Felicia Caines, basketry/herbalist - Coral Bay, St. John Dorothy Danet, basketry/hat weaving - St. Thomas Aline Kean, toymaking - Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas Louisa Kean, crochet/embroidery - Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas Hillary "Baga" Rezende, steelpan mak- ing - Christiansted, St. CroLx Foodways Helmie Leonard, baking/cooking - St. Thomas Louise Samuel, native foods/bever- ages - Frederiksted, St. Croix Evarista Santiago, Puerto Rican cook- ing - Kingshill, St. Croix Carnival Troupes Birds in Ecstasy, University of the Virgin Islands Cool Session Brass Elskoe and Associates, Let's Dance Hugga Bunch Imagination Brass Jesters as Mask Array Moko Jumbi 'n' Fren Dem Mungo Niles Cultural Dancers, Inc. Out of the Woodwork The Racketeers Senegal Performance Traditions Bassari Ensemble Gaherademy Bindia, dancing/doll making/bead working - Kedougou - Bassari Thiandenine Bindia, musician/danc- ing/doll making/bead working - Kedougou - Bassari Indego Bowang, dancing/doll mak- ing/bead working - Kedougou - Bassari Bobo Balde Ensemble Bobo Balde, riti (violin)/vocals - Kolda - Peul Boure Balde, nY/ (violin) - Kolda - Peul Tala Kande, dancing - Kolda - Peul Amadou Sabaly, riti (violinVdancing - Kolda - Peul Diola-Balante Ensemble Fatou Diatta, dancing - Dakar - Diola Landing Diatta. dancing - Dakar - Diola Bakary Diedhiou, drums - Ziguinchor - Diola Bourama Mane, balaphon - Kolda - Bija Balante Lamine Mane, vocais/dancing/'netmak- ing - Dakar - Diola Mamadou Mansaly, drums/dancing - Dakar - Bija Balante El Oumar Thiam Arona Ba, drums - Kaolack - Toucoul- eur Aissatou Dieng, dancing - Kaolack - Toucouleur Samba Diop, drums - Kaolack - Serer Marietou N'Diaye, dancing/cooking - Kaolack - Serer El Oumar Thiam, drums - Kaolack - Wolof Feede Ganni Amayel M'Baye, yela/hzk braiding - Dakar - Toucouleur Boudy Seek, vocals/dancing/cooking - Dakar - Toucouleur Souadou Seek, yela - Dakar - Toucouleur Fily Sock, vocah/dnncing/foudann - Dakar - Toucouleur Lambe Wrestling Mamadou M'Baye Diouf, lambe wres- tling/building construction - Thies - Serer Sidy Sary, lambe wrestling/building constaiction - Fatick - Serer WolofSabar Drumming & Dance Serigne M'Baye, dancing - Dakar - Wolof Abdou N'Diaye, drums/dancing - Dakar - Wolof Ibra Seek, dancing/drums - Dakar - Wolof Griots (Oral History and Praise Singing): Cire Yene Demba Doro Ba, hoddu (lute)/vocaIs - Kolda - Peul Amadou N'Diaye Samb, voca.\s/halam (lute) - Dakar - Wolof Mandtng Kara Ensemble: Mama Cissokho, vocals/cooking - Ziguinchor - Manding Ibrahima Diebate, kora - M'Bour, Thies Kemo Diebate, griot/kora - Ziguinchor - Manding Mame Yaye Kanoute, ^ora/vocals - Dakar - Manding Yande Codou Ensemble. Khady Dione, vocals/dancing - Kaolack - Serer Fatou Gningue, vocals/dancing - Kaolack - Serer Adama M'Baye, vocals/dancing - Kaolack - Serer Aida M'Baye, vocals/dancing - Kaolack - Serer Tabasky M'Baye, drums - Kaolack - Serer Yande Codou Sene, vocals - Kaolack - Serer Crafts Astou Adje, hair braiding - New York - Lebou Salamba Adje, hair braiding - New York - Lebou Amadou Lamine Diba, tailoring/em- broidery - Dakar - Wolof Albino Gomis, weaving - Dakar - Manjack Dame Gueye, glass painting/carpen- try/doll making - Dakar - Wolof Demba Guisse, basket making - Dakar - Wolof Khadydiatou Samassa, dyeing/cooking - Dakar - Soninke Victor Sagna, weaving - Dakar - Manjack Abdoulaye "Gadiaga" Sene, woodcarv- ing - Dakar - Laobe/Peul Kliadidiatou Sow, perfumery - Dakar - Laobe/Peul Mandjata Tandian, dyeing - Dakar - Soninke Cheikh Thiam, leather working - Dakar - Wolof Masseyni Thiam, blacksmithing - Dakar - Wolof Nima Thiam, blacksmithing - St. Louis - Soninke Foodways Anta Diop, cooking - New York - Wolof Maimouna N'Diaye, cooking/dancing/ foudann - Fatick - Wolof Musics of Struggle Agustin Lira & "Alma " - Chicano Music David Gomez, percussion - Fresno, California Agustin Lira, rhythm guitar/lead vocals - Fresno, California Mike Madrigal, upright bass - Redwood City, California Harold Muniz, congas/timbales - Sacramento, California Lsmael Rodriguez, percussion/vocals - Oakland, California Patricia Wells Solorzano, guitar/vocals - Fresno, California "Deaf President Now" Movement - Music of the Hearing hnpaired Bridgetta Bourne, storytelling - Walkersville, Maryland Gerald Covell, storytelling - Washington, D.C. Mary Maizkuhn, storytelling - New CarroUton, Maryland Barbara Riggs, storytelling - Greenbelt, Maryland Steve Ryan, storytelling - College Park, Maryland Feria Educativa - Quichua Music Carlos Ajitimbay Cruz, cuerdas/^er- cussion - Riobamba, Ecuador Maria Natividad Ajitimbay Cruz, gui- tar/vocals - Riobamba, Ecuador Juan Pablo Aucancela, cuerdas/pev- cussion - Riobamba, Ecuador Jose Manuel Leon Bastidas, percus- sion/guitar/c^arango - Riobamba, Ecuador Victor Manuel Leon Bastidas, ciierdas/ percussion - Riobamba, Ecuador Manuel Morochco Gualan, ciierdas/ viento/percussion - Riobamba, Ecuador Pedro Pablo Cayambe Morocho, viento/ciierdas/percussion - Riobamba, Ecuador Paula Paca Simbana, percussion/ vocals - Riobamba, Ecuador Freedom Singers - Music of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement Bettie Mae Fikes, vocals/tambourine - Carson, California Rutha Harris, vocals/tambourine - Albany, Georgia Charles Neblett, vocals/tambourine - Russellville, Kentucky Cordell Reagon, vocals/tambourine - Berkeley, California Hazel Dickens & Friends - U.S. Coal Miners' Music Tom Adams, banjo - Westminster, Maryland Dudley Connell, guitar - Germantown, Maryland Hazel Dickens, guitar/vocals - Washington, D.C. Tad Marks, fiddle - Ellicott City, Maryland Dave McLaughlin, mandolin - Winchester, Virginia Barry Mitterhoff, mandolin - Paterson, New Jersey Richard LInderwood, banjo - RockvUle, Maryland Marshall Wilborn, bass - Winchester, Virginia Earl Yager, bass - Codorus, Pennsylvania Irish Music Frank Harte, vocals - Chapelizod, Dublin Mick Moloney, guitar - Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Israeli Music Sarah Alexander, accordion/guitar/ vocals - Paris, France Kurdish Music Temo Ezzadin, tamhour/voaAs - Paris, France Sabreen - Palestinian Music Yacoub Abou Arafeh, percussion - Jerusalem, Israel Issa Freij, guitar - Jenisalem, Israel Kamilya Jubran, vocals/zither - Jerusalem, Israel Said Murad, composer/lute - Jerusalem, Israel Raed Saadeh, manager - Jerusalem, Israel Odeh Turjman, houzouki - Jerusalem, Israel South African Double Quartet Music Sipho Bavuma, idiophone/vocals - Jersey City, New Jersey Linda Bukhosini, idiophone/vocals - New York, New York Jerry Mofokeng, idiophone/vocals - New York, New York Tsepo Mokone, idiophone/vocals - New York, New York Thandi Pase, idiophone/vocals - New York, New York Sizakele Mtimkulu Seheri, idiophone/ vocals - New York, New York Silindile Sokutu, idiophone/vocals - New York, New York Mbongiseni "Champ" Tshabalala, idio- phone/vocals - Jersey City, New Jersey Carolanne Carawan, workshops - New Market, Tennessee Guy Carawan, workshops - New Mar- ket, Tennessee Contributing Sponsors The U.S. Virgin Islands program has been made possible by the Hon- orable Governor Alexander A. Far- relly, the Office of the Governor, the 18th Legislature of the Virgin Islands, the Department of Economic Devel- opment and Agriculture, Division of Tourism, Department of Planning and Natural Resources, the Virgin Islands Council on The Arts, Paradise Motors, Inc., Little Switzerland, Virgin Islands AT&T, West Indian Company Ltd., Caribbean Host, Caribbean Safewater Lab., Caribbean Shell Seekers, Sea Breeze Car Rental, Tropex, Inc., and other corporate sponsors. The Senegal program has been made possible, in part, by the Presi- dent of the Republic of Senegal, Ab- dou Diouf, the Office of the President, the Ministry of Culture and Communi- cation, the Ministry of Tourism and Environment, the Senegalese Embassy to the United States, the American Embassy to Senegal, the American Cultural Center in Senegal, Universite Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar - Institut Fondamental de I'Afrique Noire, and administrative authorities in Dakar and in the various regions of Senegal. The Musics of Struggle program has been made possible, in part, by the Music Perfonnance Trust Funds, the Inter-American Foundation and the Arab American Cultural Foundation. In Kind Contributors AND Donors General Festival Support Ben & Jerry's Ice Cream, Washington, D.C. Cele.stial Seasonings, Inc., Boulder, Colorado Delmonte Fresh Fruit Co., Coral Gables, Florida Embassy High's Dairy, Waldorf, Maryland Enrico's Pizza, Washington, DC. Executive Sandwich Shop, Washington, D.C. Florida Avocado and Limes, Homestead, Florida Florida Department of Citrus, Lakeland, Florida Good Food Company, Arlington, Virginia Herrs Food, Inc., Laurel, Maryland J.R. Brooks and Son, Inc., Homestead, Florida Limeco, Inc., Princeton, Florida Melitta U.S.A., Inc., Cherry Hill, New Jersey Old Tyme Soft Drink, Inc., Pompton Place, New Jersey Pepperidge Farm, Inc., Norwalk, Connecticut Popeye's Fried Chicken, Washington, D.C. Rudy Foods, Inc., Washington, D.C. Sholl's Colonial Cafeteria, Washington, D.C. Snyder of Hanover, Hanover, Pennsylvania Sol Salins, Inc., Washington, D.C. Steel and Wire Co., Baltimore, Maryland Sugar Association, Inc., Washington, D.C. Sunshine Packaging Co., Hialeah, Florida Uncle Ben's, Inc., Houston, Texas Utz Quality Foods, Inc., Hanover, Pennsylvania Wilkins Coffee, Capitol Heights, Maryland William B. Riley Coffee Company, Baltimore, Maryland Yours Naturally, Inc., Washington, DC. U.S. Virgin Islands American Airlines Bacardi Imports, Miami, Florida Belle Haven Pharmacy, Alexandria, Virginia Bittersweet Hill Nurseries, Davidsville, Maryland Bustelo Coffee Roasting Co., Bronx, New York Carambola Beach Resort, St. Croix Eastern Airlines Frederik.sted Fort, St. Croix Frenchman's Reef Beach Resort, St. Thomas Hechinger Company, Landover, Maryland House of Seagram, Baltimore, Maryland Los Caris Marble, Inc., Washington, D.C. M.A. Bruder & Sons, Inc., Broomall, Pennsylvania Marie Selby Botanical Gardens, Sarasota, Florida Miller Manor, St. Thomas National Arboretum, Washington, D.C. Our Town Frederiksted, St. Croix Pink Fancy Hotel, St. Croix Point Pleasant Resort, St. Thomas Publicity Inc., St. Thomas Southern Tropical, Boca Raton, Florida Stouffer Grand Beach Resort, St. Thomas U.S. Department of Agriculture - Beltsville Agricultural Research Center, Beltsville, Maryland University of the Virgin Islands Coop- erative Extension Service Villa Morales Restaurant, St. Croix Virgin Islands Rum Industries Ltd., Frederiksted, St. CroLx Senegal American Textile Manufacturers In.sti- tute, Washington, D.C. Cash Grocer Natural Foods, Alexan- dria, Virginia Chevy Chase Glass Company, Inc., Bethesda, Maryland Coleman Peanuts Co., Carson, Virginia J. P. Stevens, New York, New York Lanscot Arlen Fabrics, Inc., New York, New York M. Polaner, Inc., Roseland, New Jersey Organic Farms, Beltsville, Maryland Pier I Imports, Fort Worth, Texas Planters Life Savers Company, Win- ston Salem, North Carolina Rubbermaid, Inc., Wooster, Ohio Special Thanks General Festival We extend special thanks to all the volunteers at this year's Festival. Only with their assistance are we able to present the programs of the 1990 Festival of American Folklife. U.S. Virgin Islands V.S. Virgin Islands Department of Eco- nomic Development & Agriculture: Commissioner Eric E. Dawson Leona Bryant, Director of Tourism Aaron Benjamin, Assistant Director of Tourism for St. Thomas/St. John Flora Boynes-Spencer, Washington, D.C. Regional Director Anna Mae Brown-Comment, Execu- tive Assistant to the Commissioner Jane John, Director of Administration & Management Leslie Payton, Legal Council Vivian Lewis, Secretary Leslie Graham, Senior Sales Repre- sentative Linda Brodhurst, Sales Representa- tive Ivy John, Administrative Assistant E. Bough, Assistant Commissioner, Div. of Agriculture Coleville Lewis, Assistant Commis- sioner, Div. of Agriculture Errol Chichester, Horticulturist, Div. of Agriculture U.S. Virgin Islands Agricultural Experi- ment Station and Cooperative Ex- tension Service: D.S. Padda, Vice President Raquel Santiago Rudy O'Reilly Christopher Ramcharan U.S. Virgin Islands Council on the Ans U.S. Virgin Islands Department of Conservation and Cultural Affairs U.S. Virgin Islands Department of Education U.S. Virgin Islands Division of Librar- ies, Archives and Museums U.S. Virgin Islands Humanities Council Enid M. Baa Library Elaine lone Sprauve Library/Museum Fort Christian Fort Christiansvaern Fort Fredrick National Park Service St. Croix Landmark Society University of the Virgin Islands University of the Virgin Islands - Cooperative Extension Service, St. Thomas: Louis Petersen Toni Thomas Vera Hyatt ADVISORY GROUP: Violet A. Bough Flora Boynes-Spencer Anna Mae Brown-Comment Janet Burton Pearl Callwood Andromeda Childs Bradley E. Christian Jacquelyn D. Clendinen Delta M. Dor.sch Anastasia M. Doward Cassandra Dunn Dorothy Elskoe Gene K. Emanuel Lorelie E. Esannason Ruth C.H. Frank Denise M. Georges Barbara Hagan-Smith Mathilda Harvey Lois Hassell-Habteyes Verne Hodge Myron D. Jackson Willard John Helen Marsh Johnson Delores Jowers John Jowers Bernie Kemp Marilyn Krigger June A.V. Lindquist Betty L. Mahoney Ruth Moolenaar Leslie Reovan Verne I. Richards Eulalie C. Rivera Claire L. Roker Karen Samuel Lucy Smith Gilbert A. Sprauve Maurice M. Thomas Morty Thompson Rufus W. Vanderpool Carol Wakefield RESOURCE PEOPLE: Enid Baa Calvin Bastian Ruth Beagles Guy Benjamin Lawrence Benjamin Eric Bough Irvin Brown Leona Bryant Aimery Caron William Cissell Monique Clendinden Diego Conde Donna de Yongh Robert de Yongh Isaac Dookhan Adrianne Dudley Gerard Emanual E. Aracelis Francis Joel Gardner Kathy Griggs Geraldo Guirty Jerome Gumbs Verne Hodge Orville Kean Edward Killerbrew Ena Knight Sydney Knight Colville C. Lewis Clement Magras Gerald Nicholson Isidor Paiewonsky Leslie Payton Henry Richardson Treganza Roach Richard Schrader Gail Shulterbrandt-Rivera Juanita Small Magda Smith Betty Speker Walter Springette Derick Otis Steinmann Bruce Tilden Charles Turnbull George F. Tyson Jr. Lito Vails Olga Vanderpool Chades Weikert U.S. VIRGIN ISLANDS CONTRIBUTORS TO THE ARCHIVES: Vanessa Abbot Stedmon Adams Rudolph Allamby Maude Andreas Ari Arie Irene Armstrong Ivan Armstrong Victor Baltimore Edmund Blaize Marvin Bonelli James Boynes James Brewester Leopold Brome Christian Brow Edith Quetel Bryan Roberto Carmona Wilfredo Carmona William Carroll Frank Charles Winston Charles Kelly Charleswell Roy Chesterfield Wallace Chinnery Art Turo Christian Esther Christian Etheldred Christopher William F. Cissell Angel Corneiro Angel F. Corneiro Phillip Corneiro James Dalmida Rachael Dangdeben Gaveston David Daphney Davis Linda Degh Earl Demming Alma Doward Charles Emanuel Jean Esanasson Joseph Fahie Marcellus Flores Eva Fracois Ray Francis Glanville Fraser Ivan Frazer Curt Freeman Ethelyn Freeman Simon Frett Trevor Friday Albion George Donald George Elaine George Paul Gibbs Jerome Gill Shadrach Gill Lionel Gumbs Theodore "Chino" Hansen Kenneth Harrigan Tehara Harris Emil Harrison Leroy Henry Humphrey Herman Beryl E. Hill Kelvin Curtis Hill Remi Illis Emelda Jacobs Gerard James II Francisco Jarvis Calvin Jones Eliza Kean Edward Killeiarew Darwin King Mervin Kitnurse Pierre La Place Steven La Place Robert A. Leonard Rudy Leonard Elaine Lynch Walter Macedon Gerda Nathalie Marsh Monique Melliams Nathaniel Meyers Olanzo Meyers Murillo Millin Lionel Mulraine Cyril Murphy Donald C. Nelthropp, Sr. Vincent Normil Genaro Ortiz P. Julia Pankey Wilford Pedro Idalia Henrietta Penn Anselmo Peters Louis Petersen Leah Pickering Felix Pittersen Arven Powell Herman H. Prince Kenneth Reovan Phillip Rhymer Lionel Richards Verne I. Richards Walter Richards Alfred Richardson Leroy E. Richardson Tregenza Roach Lucille V. Roberts Gerda Roebuck Juana Saldana Avalino Samuel Ella J. Samuel Ambrose Schmidt Antonio Sewer Larry Sewer Louise Sewer Zedliar E. Sewer Burnett Smith James Smith Eunice Sprauve Hilton Sprauve Julius Sprauve Edgar Steele "Diggy" Thomas Elridge Thomas Pauline Louise Thomas Unoh Turnbull Olga Vanderpool Sammy Watts Celestino White George White Curtis Williams Josephus Williams Odand Wilson Lancelot Wiltshire Senegal Program Office of the President of the Republic of Senegal, Abdou Diouf: Ousmane Tenor Dieng, Director of the President's Cabinet Ministry of Culture and Communica- tions - Government of Senegal: Minister Moustafa Ka Abdoulaye Camara M'Baye Bassine Dieng Ousmane Sow Huchard Cheikh Na Sankara Ministry of Tourism and Protection of the Environment - Government of Senegal: Minister Jacques Baudin El Hadj Malick Sy Elimane N'Diaye Senegalese Embassy to the United States: His Excellency Ibra Deguene Ka, Ambassador Amadou Gaye, Cultural Attache Archives Culturelles du Senegal: Madina Ow Seek, Directrice Samba Demba Ba Jean Paul Thiar Thiar Bidia Badara Cissokho Yaya Leonard Diatta Mamadou Sane Centre d'Etudes des Civilisation: M. Keba N'Diaye, Directeur Mamadou Barry Ouleye Diarra Babacar Diop Mamgor Faye Alioune M'Boup Fulgence Sagna Universite Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar-IFAN: Abdoulaye Bara Diop, Directeur Abdou Sylla Masamba Lam Office of the Mayor of Dakar: Mayor Mamadou Diop • Mary Dieng Yakyeh N'Douye American Embassy to Senegal: His Excellency George Moose, Ambassador Prudence Bushnell U.S. Slate Department: Steve Kelley U.S. Information Service: Robert Palmed Boussoura Diop ' Fatou KhoUe Samieh Wizani Alioune Diop Jess Baily Khalil Gueye Adara Diallo Ousmane Coulibaly Mariene Seek Leslie High Elhadj Sarr Jerome Faye Louise Diagne Dieynaba Bocoum Mbaye Sow Thierry Pina Ibrahima Toure Ousmane Mboup Elisabeth Diallo U.S. Information Agency: Cynthia Farrell Senegal Support Society Hotel de la Croix du Sud de Dakar Senegal: Tidiane Diop New York State Council on the Arts: Mary Hays, Director Al Ben- Robert Baron Helen Hubbard Marr Chase Manhatten Bank: Joy Rogers, VP Division Executive Ida Borroto Christine Maggiore Michael West City Lore: The New York Center for Urban Folk Culture Keith E. Baird Hannah Baldwin Philip Burnham Vernon Case Martha Cooper Gerald Croney Patricia Croney El Hadj Dia, INTRASAHEL Magaye Diaw Nene Diouf Amadou Demba Keita Phyllis May-Machunda Mamadou N'Diaye Modou N'Diaye N'Deye Anta Seek David Shear, Friends oi Senegal Felipe Tejeda M'Baye Thiam Musics ofSlntggle Program African National Congress James Culp Productions Guadaloupe Cultural Arts Center Irish Tourist Board Kurdish National Congress The Old Town School of Folk Music Gabriel Abdalla, Manager, Arab Tourist Agency Kamran Ali Marin Allen Jacqueline Alper JoAllyn Archambault John Baily, Columbia University Howell Beagle, Rhythm and Blues Foundation Harry Belafonte Steve Berkowitz, CBS Records Laurel Blaydes, Labor Heritage Foundation Elena Bradunas Joel Brokaw, The Brokaw Company Robert Browning, Wodd Music Institute Camila Bryce-Laporte Ed Cabbell Olivia Cadaval Simon Cannel Inta Carpenter Joyce Cauther Paul Chin Dieter Christensen, Columbia University Michael Chyet Larry Coleman, Gallaudet University David Ccjpeland Ellen Dennis, Murray Street Enterprises Don DeVito, CBS Records Lama Djani, Arab American Cultural Foundation Robert Edgar, Howard University Yilderai Erdner John Franklin, Jr. Marcia Freeman, Model Secondary School for the Deaf Jack Gannon, Gallaudet University' Jalil Ghani, Voice of America Magdalena Gilinski Diane Green Rayna Green Violet Gwangwa Chariotte Heth Mi Hlatshwayo, COSATU Thamsangu Hlatshwayo Donald lenner. President, CBS Records Iqbal Hali Jalali Pat Jasper Richard Keeling, UCLA Fana Kekana, South Africa Now Michael Kemp, Gallaudet University Richard Kennedy Niani Kilkenny Rick Kirby Helen Kivnick Charles Kleymeyer, Inter-American Foundation Martin Koenig, Ethnic Folk Arts Center Mario Lamo Julian Lang Anna Leah de Leon, Women's Media Circle, Manila Rosemary Leonard Guntif Liepinf Lindiwe Mabuza, African National Congress Tim McCarthy, Model Secondary School for the Deaf Mary Lynn McElroy Stephen Mokesi, K-Team Michael Moore, KTNN-AM, Window Rock, Arizona Roddy Moore Hugo Morales, Radio Bilingue Carlos Moreno Debbie Morris, AFL-CIO Mweli Mzizi, South African Now Duma Ndlovu Bruno Netd Mary Lou Nouitsky, "Deaf Mosaic" Bill Nowlin, Rounder Records Lisa Null Njeri Num, Gallaudet University Josef Pacholczyk, University of Maryland Leslie Page, Model Secondary School for the Deaf Manuel Pena Lilian Perez, D.C. Commission for the Arts Ivey Pittle, Gallaudet University Press Janet Place Kaya Ploss Mario Posas Frank Proschan Leslie Proctor, Gallaudet University Ethel Raim, Ethnic Folk Arts Center Bernice Johnson Reagon Pete Reiniger Buri Rhea, Rabbit Ridge Pea Pickers Ralph Rinzler Bart Rousseve Vera Saeedpour, Kurdish Library, Brooklyn Jane Sapp, Highlander Institute Jane Sapp, Smithsonian Press Carlottia Scott, Office of Congressman Dellums Keith Secola Anthony Seeger Beth Shaw Daniel Sheehy, Folk Arts Program, National Endowment for the Arts Paul Sherman-Allen, Alliance of Chi- nese Patriots in U.S.A. Zerro Shirwani Crystal Sloan Willie Smyth Holly Syrrakos, United Mine Workers Journal Piotr Szuminski Jane Treat Rick Trimillos Robyn Twito, Gallaudet University Press Daniel Valdez, Teatro Campesino Clayton Valli, Gallaudet University Ricardas Vidutis Matt Walters, Rounder Records Steve Wattenmaker Deb Weiner, Gallaudet University Press Norman Whitten, Jr. Marshall Wong, D.C. Mayor's Office of Asian & Pacific Island Affairs David Yang, Asian American Artists and Media ^ ^ ^ ^ Festival Site Map Madison Drive I 1 'SARI ^usicA L \ DANCE j^ LEATHER AREA WORKER L 3 a ^ BLACKSMITH / Musics of 1L-J^^,„^ ! Struggle-' STAGE T SONG (2> O O (^ collecting/V — 1 »- CD® PRESS ! |®(5) VOLUNTEER n MUSIC STAGE MUSEUM SALES M. Musics of Struggle METRO M 1 SMITHSONIAN (The Mall) FOLKLORE INSTITUTE [ )iU. .n Sackler African Art Gallery Museum Festival Site Map U.S. Virgin Islands r^ L^ LEARNING CENTER Madison Drive @ CRAFTS DANCE HALL IS CARNIVAL CRAFTS STORY TELLING S^E BIG YARD FOOD WAYS O GAMES Festival Staff Acting Director, Office ofFolklife Pro- grams: Richard Kurin Festival Director: Diana Parker Acting Administrative Officer: Barbara Strickland Program Book Editor: Peter Seitel Sign Editor: Thomas Vennum, Jr. Designer: Carol Hardy Design Advisor: Daphne Shuttlewoith Assistant Designers: Jennifer Nicholson, Suzanne Segalla, Andras Goldinger Calligrapbers: Susan Auerhan, Allyn Kurin Publication Review: Arlene L. Reiniger Technical Coordinator: Fred Nahwooksy, Jr. Technical Specialists: Lisa Fricano, Connie Lane Technical Crew Chiefs: Linley Logan, Lisa Ogonowski Lead Carpenter: Kevin Mutchler Technical Crew: Arthur Brown, John Lowery, Terrance Meniefield, Yancy Redcorn, Holly Wright Creiv Assistant: Ellen Garrett Technical Crew Clerk/Typists: Rory Brennan, Cecilia Coats Supply Coordinator: Doris Dietrich Assistant Supply Coordinator: Nelson Antoniuk Logistics Coordinator: Dorothy Neumann Sound Production Coordinator: Tim Kidwell Sound Technicians: Eric Annis, Steve Edwards, Steve Fischer, Gregg Lamping, Jens McVoy, Liston Mon- santo, Moira Shea Stage Managers: Enrique Aviles, Neil Carrington, Mathieu Chabert, Tom Gartland, John Kemper, Susan Levi- tas, Al McKenney, John Milcharik, Ed Williams Substitute Engineer: Dean Langwell Sound Creiv: Andrew Finkle, Chuck Peters, Barney Vable Acting Festival Services Manager- Claudia Telliho Fiscal Technician: Claude Steinberg Clerk/Typist: Minu Tahmassebi Participant Coordinator: Cilista Eberle Assistant Participant Coordinators: Hope Connors, Marjorie Copson, Yulette George Housing Coordinator: John Leahy Concessions Coordinator: Susan Fowler Information/Accessibility Coordinator: Betty Belanus Interns: Lisa Fisher, Jean Mitchell Sign Language Interpreters: Jean Lindquist, Diane Mele-Beaudoin. Hank Young Volunteer Coordinator: Caroline Cleaves Assistant Volunteer Coordinator: Dan Burgess Chief Volunteers: Wilette Carlton, Mary Cliff, Priscilla Flowers, Marilyn Gaston, J.R. Glover, Virginia McCauley, Sokhna N'Doye, Johari Rashad, Martin Snyderman, Neville Waters Folkways Recordings Director: Anthony Seeger Documentation Coordinator: Jeff Place Lntems: Doug Bell, Robert Foreman Video Documentation: Daphne Shuttleworth Photographers: Richard Hofmeister, Eric Long, Laurie Minor, Dane Penland, Richard Strauss, Jeff Tinsley, Rick Vargas Special Events Coordinator Maria Parisi Public Information: Mary Combs, Katherine Kirlin Intern: Lou Ann Reed U.S. Virgin Islands Program Curator: Olivia Cadaval U.S. Virgin Islands Supervisor- Flora Boynes-Spencer U.S. Virgin Islands Coordinator- Anna Mae Brown-Comment St. Croix Liaison: Claire Roker Program Coordinator- Betz Robb Program Assistant: Larry Larsen Festival Aide: Sekou Richardson Learning Center Coordinator: Catherine Hiebert-Kerst Crafts Coordinator: Andrew Connors Big Yard Area Coordinator: Lidya Montes Big Yard Stage Coordinator Celia Heil Interns: Guylene Desir, Rhonda Green, Carla Mendiola, Paula Tassara U.S. Virgin Islands National Park Service Assistant Coordinators: Jacquelyn Clendinen, Denise Georges General Advisor and Researcher: Gilbert Sprauve Fieldtvorkers: Edna Mae Belardo, Vio- let Bough, Janet Burton, Brent Cantrell, Andromeda Childs, Bra- dley Christian, Jacquelyn Clendinen, Glenn "Kwabena" Davis, Delta Dorsch, Anastasia Doward, Cassandra Dunn, Dorothy Elskoe, Gene Emanuel, Lorelie Esannason, Denise Georges, Lois Hassell-Habteyes, Catherine Hiebert-Kerst, Myron Jackson, Stanley Jacobs, Ruth Moolenaar, Mario Picayo, Leslie Reovan. Verne Richards, Eulalie Rivera, Jewel Ross Sage, Karen Samuel, Daniel Sheehy, Mary Jane Soule, Maurice Thomas, Rufus Vander- pool, Leona Brady Watson Presenters: Violet Bough, Irvin "Brownie" Brown, Leona Bryant, Janet Burton, Bradley Christian, An- drew Connors, Delta Dorsch, Anastasia Doward, Dorothy Elskoe, Gene Emanuel, Lois Hassell- Habteyes, Catherine Hiebert-Kerst, Myron Jackson, Ruth Moolenaar, Karen Samuel, Daniel Sheehy, Gilbert Sprauve, Rufus Vanderpool Senegal Program Curator: Diana N'Diaye Program Coordinators: Barbara Lau, Gorgui N'Diaye Program Consultant: John Franklin, Jr. Foodways Coordinators: Virginia McCauley, Sokhna N'Doye Festival Aide: Frank Gaskin Fieldworkers: Samba Demba Ba, Jean-Paul Thiar-Thiar Bidia, Yaya Leonard Diatta, Amadou Lamine Drame, Oumar Gueye, El Hadj Malick M'Baye, Mour Paye, Mamadou Sane, Mame Fadoum Sy Presenters: Abdou Rahmane Cisse, Aminata Gaskin, Samba Ka, Mama Konte, El Hadj Malick M'Baye, Aristedes Perrera, Salli Diallo Petersen Interns: Robert Clyne, Derek Kauneckis Program Book Translator Winifred Lambrecht Musics of Struggle Program Curator- Jacquelin Peters Program Consultant: Anthony Seeger Program Assistant: Arlene L. Reiniger Song Collection Coordinator Lori Taylor Festival Aide: Daniel Easington Presenters: Barry Bergey, Nahida Dajani, Amy Horowitz, Merhdad Izady, Worth Long, Mick Moloney, Menzi Plaatje, Maria Isabel Prieto Translators: Celia Heil, Suzanne Holder Interns: Caroline Cohen, Mandisa Maya Folklore Summer Institute Important folklore research and presentation in the United States are often carried out by local researchers and community-based scholars, many without formal academic training. The Folklore Summer Institute for Community Scholars (July 2-16), now in its second year, is intended to rec- ognize and encourage these local folklorists, to enhance their skills, and to establish contact with folklore scholars and professionals. This program is made possible by supportfrom the Smithsonian Educa- tional Outreach Fund, the L.J. Skaggs and Man' C. Skaggs Foundation, the Ruth Matt Fund, the American Folk- lore Society. Indiana University, Rutgers University and the Polaroid Foundation. Betty Belanus, Director Kamran Asdar Ali, Coordinator Cynthia Thorn, Intern Rina Deth, Intern Faculty Charies Camp - Maryland Arts Council William D. Chin - Chinatown History Project Gerald Davis - Rutgers University Susan Dyal - Santa Monica, California Von Martin - Caribbeana Arts Katherine Anne Phipps - Indiana Uni- versity Nancy Sweezy - Refugee Arts Group Fellows Roxana Adams - Ketchikan, Alaska Fleanor Arnold - Rushville, Indiana Richard Brown - Portland, Oregon Debra S. Eatman - Eutaw, Alabama Juan Gutierrez - New York, New York Alfred Yama Kina - Honolulu, Hawaii Marta Lagos - Detroit, Michigan Giang Le - Raleigh, North Carolina Andi Owens - New York, New York Agnes Palanuk - Dickinson, North Dakota Gary Tom - Cedar City, Utah Smithsonian Bureau AND Office Support Office of the Secretary: Office of the Undersecretaiy Office of the Assistant Secretaryfor Public Setvice Office of Elementary & Secondary Education Latino Working Committee Office of Public Affairs Visitor Information & Associates' Re- ception Center Office of the Assistant Secretaiyfor Research Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History Office of Fellowships and Grants Office of Interdisciplinary Studies Office of Quincentenary Programs National Zoological Park Office of the Assistant Secretaryfor Museums American Indian Program, National Museum of American History African American Culaire Program, National Museum of Arnerican History Office of Exhibits Central Office of Horticulture Office of the Assistant Secretaiyfor External Affairs Office of Membership and Development Office of Congressional Relations Office of International Relations Office of Special Events Office of Telecommunications Office of the Assistant Secretaryfor Ad- ministration Communications Management Divi- sion, Office of Information Re- source Management Office of Design & Constaiction Duplicating Branch Health Services Division Mail Service Center Office of Personnel Administration Office of Planning and Budget Office of Plant Services Office of Printing and Photographic Services Office of Procurement and Property Management Office of Protection Services Security Services Division Travel Services Office Office of the Gener-al Counsel Office of the Inspector Gener-al Office of the Treasurer Office of Accounting and Financial Services Office of Risk Management Office of Sponsored Projects Official Business Penalty for Private Use $300 No Postage Necessary If Mailed In The United States Business Reply Mail First Class Permit No 12915 Wasfimgton, D C Postage will be paid by Smithsonian Institution SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Office of Folklife Programs 955 L'Enfant Plaza S.W , Suite 2600 Washington, DC 20277-2915 I. .1,1 I.II...II.mI..I.II,I II, 1,1. ,1.1. 1 FOLKWAYS SMITHSONIAN FOLKWAYS Folkways Records, founded by Moses Asch in 1947, was acquired by the Smithsonian Institution in 1987 to ensure that all the recordings remain available as a service to scholars, musicians and the general public. Distribution of the nearly 2,200 recordings is divided between mail order titles and those available in record stores. Many titles will be issued on CD; all titles are available on high quality audio cassettes, with their original documentation, through the Office of Folklife Programs. Recent reissues are listed below. For a complete catalogue of available titles, please write your address on the card below and mail it to us Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings Issued for This Year's Festival: Don't Mourn - Organize! Songs of labor songwriterJoe Hill Historical and contemporary recordings of songs and poems by and about Joe Hill featuring: Billy Bragg, Hazel Dickens, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Joe Glazer, IWW Entertainment Workers lU 630, Si Kahn, Haywire Mac, Utah Phillips, Paul Robeson, Earl Robinson, Pete Seeger and others. (SF 40026, avail- able on CD, LP and cassette) Woody Guthrie - Struggle A reissue of Moses Asch's compilation of Woody Guthrie's songs originally issued for the United States Bicenten- nial in 1976. Woody Guthrie sings songs commemorating labor staiggles and the hard times of working people everywhere. (SF 40025, available on CD, LP and cassette) Various recordings relating to Senegal, the Caribbean and Musics of Struggle are also available for purchase. The Folkways Vision - Three Related Record- ings Sold Individually: Folkways: A Vision Shared A Grammy Award winning benefit al- bum containing songs written by- Woody Guthrie and Huddie Ledbetter (Leadbelly) and interpreted by con- temporary musicians. Issued by CBS Records. A Vision Shared A videotape includ- ing footage of the majority of the mu- sicians on the CBS album. Issued by Columbia Music Videos. Folkways: The Original Vision (SF 40001) Contains the same songs as the CBS album, but in the original ver- sions recorded in the 1940's by Woody Guthrie and Leadbelly. Three never before released cuts appear on this album. All the new Smithsonian/Folkways issues, in addition to many other Folkways titles are available in the Museum Shops sales areas at the Festival site. Many are also distributed through Rounder Records. If you are unable to find Folkways records at your local record store, write for a free catalogue and order forms to: Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings Office of Folklife Programs 955 L'Enfant Plaza, Suite 2600 Washington, D.C., 20560 Please send me a catalogue of Folkways Records. I would like information on the following kinds of recordings: n Name . Address Other Reissues and New RELEASES: Recording issued for the 1988 Festival of American Folklife: * * Musics of the Soviet Union (SF 40002) Recordings issued for the 1989 Festi- val of American Folklife: * Puerto Rican Music in Hawai'i: Kachi-Kachi (SF 40014) * Hula Daim Dance Chants: Music and Power in Time (SF 40015) * Musics of Hawai'i (SF 40016) Other recordings: * The Country' Gentlemen: Country songs, old and new (SF 40004) * Cajun Social Music: Nathan Abshire, Mark Savoy, Hector Duhon and others (SF 40006) * Phil Ochs "The Broadside Tapes 1" (SF 40008) * Elizabeth Gotten: Freight Train and other North Carolina folk songs and aines (SF 40009) * Leadbelly Sings Folk Songs (SF 40010) * Brownie McGhee and Sonny Terry Sing (SF 40011) * Tuva: Voices from the Center of Asia (SF 40017) * Big Bill Broonzy Sings Folk Songs (SF 40023) " Pete Seeger "Traditional Christmas Carols" (SF 40024) * Been in the Storm So Long (SF 40031) * Sing for Freedom (SF 40032) * Pete Seeger "Abiyoyo" (SF 45001) * Ella Jenkins "You'll Sing a Song and 111 Sing a Song" (SF 45010) * Ella Jenkins "Adventures in Rhythm" (SF 45007) and many other Ella Jen- kins recordings. Smithsonian Institution Secrelaiy Robert .NkC Adams Under Sec ivtciry Dean Anderson Acting Assiskdit Sec reUiiyfor Pub- lic Seri'ice: James Early Assistant Stxretci ij for kcsccirch: Robert Hoffmann Assistdiil SccivlaryJar MiiscHDis Tom FrcLidenlicim Assistunt Sccn-tiiry for lixlenuil Affairs: Thomas Lo\cioy Assistant Sccri'tary far histitiilKDhil linluitiivs: Alice Htirnette Assistant Secretary fur Ailnumstni - turn John [-', Jameson Assistcnil Secretary l-juerilus Ralph Rin7ler Office of Folklife Programs Actnig Director Riehaixl Kiirin Acliiiinistratiiv Officer Jewell l)ulane\ Acting Aclniinislratiie ( )fficer- Barbara Stritklaiul Feslncil Director: Diana Parker Senior Folklorist: Peter Seitel Curator. Folkivays Records: Anthoin Seeder Senior F.llnionnisicologist: Thomas Xenniim. Jr Director. (Jnniceiileiiary Projects: ( )li\ la ("adaxal Program Analyst Richard KenneLh- Education .Specialist Betty Belanus Curators: Diana N'Dia\e. Jacquelin Peters Research Associates: Marjorie Hnnt, Ed O'Reilly. Frank Proschan. Nicholas Spit/er Technical Coordinator Reaves Fred Nahwooksy, Jr. Program Specialist: Arlene L. Reiniger Acting Festival Services Manager: Claudia Telliho Desig)ier: Daphne Shuttleworth Archivist: Jeffrey Place Folkways Program Specialist: Dudley Connell Quincentenaiy A.Vista iN: Celia Meil Film Fdilor (aiha .Shank.ir Assistant Archivist: Fori Tavlor Assistant to the Director •Maria Parisi I'olkivays Assistant. Suzanne Holder Clerk Typists: Lidya .VIontes. .\linu 'Fahmassebi Folklife Advisoiy Council: Roger .Abrahams. Richard Baiiman. Henrv Classic. Rayna Green. John ti\\altne\. Charlotte Heth. .Vdrienne Kaeppler. han Karp. Bernice Reagon. John Tchen. Carlos Velez- Ibane/ National Park Service .Secretary of the Interior Manuel Fujan, Jr. Director )dmes M. RidenoLir Regional T)irector. .\atioiial Cipital Region: Robert G. .Stanton Deputy Regional Director. Sational Capital Region: Ronald Wne Associate Regional Director. I'lihlic Affairs Sandra A Allev Chief. I lilted Slates Park Polue Fynn Herring Assistant Chief I iiited States Park Police Robert F, Fangston Comnuinder. Special Forces: Mai.Carl R. Holmberg Superintendoit. Sational Capital Parks - Central. Arnold .M. Goldstein Chief Maintenance. Xational Capital Parks - Central: William F Newman. Ir. .V//(' .Manager Sational Mall Fe\>- Kelly Employees of the National C^aj^Jital Region and the F'nited States Park Police Contributing Sponsors The L'.S. \'irgin Islands prngrdm has been made po.ssible b\' the Office of the Governor, the LSth Fegislature of the Virgin Islands, the Department of Economic De- \'elopment and Agriculture. Di\'i- sion of Tourism. Department of Planning and Natural Resources, the Virgin Islands Council on The Arts. Paradise Motors. Inc.. Fittle Switzerland. Virgin Islands .VF6iT, West Indian Compan\ Ftd. and other corporate sponsors Fhe .SV;/et;((/ program has been made possible, in part, by the Office of the President of the Re- public of Senegal, the Ministiy of Culture and Communication, the Ministrs' of Tourism and Environ- ment, the Senegalese Embassy to the F'nited States, the American Embassy to Senegal, the American Cultural Center in Senegal. Cheikh .Anta Diop - Institut Fondamental de l'Afric|ue Noire, and administra- tive authorities in Dakar and in the \arious regions of Senegal. Musics of Struggle has been made possible, in part, by the .Music Performance Frust Funds, the Inter-American Foundation and the Arab American Cultural Founda- tion. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION LIBRARIES 3 9088 01476 4591